Talking Europe

It’s no secret that farmers across the EU have grown increasingly frustrated with the state of their industry. Profitability is falling, competition from abroad is fierce, and worries about paperwork and bureaucracy continue to mount. Fewer young people are taking over the family farm, opting for other careers instead. On top of these long-standing challenges, the war in Iran is adding new pressures, particularly with rising fertiliser costs. We sat down to discuss these issues with the EU’s Commissioner for Agriculture and Food, Christophe Hansen. "The war going on in the Middle East is having a huge impact on our economy," Hansen tells us. "We have trade flows going through these lanes. We are dependent on imports from there when it comes to oil and LNG (liquefied natural gas). But also, fertilisers are going through the affected region. Production sites (for fertilisers) are halted. So, this is creating problems for the agricultural sector. And generally speaking, our economy will have issues to cope with the situation."  For Hansen, the war highlights the EU’s vulnerability when it comes to supply chains. "One of our weaknesses is that we are heavily dependent on imports from third countries, on fertilisers and on energy," Hansen says. "Fertilizer prices were going up by 60% since 2020. So, this was already putting cereal producers really on edge. This is not a sustainable situation. We need to find solutions. We have the agricultural reserve, but this is of course not nearly sufficient. So, we have to find other possibilities to help farmers to cope with this situation."  We ask Hansen if the Commission has made a risky political gamble by provisionally applying the controversial EU-Mercosur trade agreement (with Latin American countries), despite opposition from farmers, trade unions, and MEPs in the EU Parliament.  "Well, it would not be the first time that a trade agreement is provisionally applied," Hansen answers. "There are precedents for that. And there was a very clear mandate from the (EU) Council side to go for this provisional application. The Parliament decided not to immediately vote on the consent. It is of course free to do so." Hansen is adamant that "many sectors are really wishing for this agreement. The wine and spirits sector; the dairy sector; the olive oil sector; the ham sector of Italy and Spain as well. This is the economic reality."  Christophe Hansen insists that the Commission’s simplification agenda does not mean a watering down of environmental standards in agriculture, particularly when it comes to pesticides. This despite major concerns flagged up by the likes of the European Environmental Bureau and the Pesticides Action Network Europe.  "The approval of products is currently a very long procedure which, unfortunately, is blocking, for example, the marketing of new biopesticides that are low-risk substances. Those (new products) have the same approval time - 7 to 8 to 10 years. This is too slow. And when I speak to the manufacturers of these new alternatives to the classic chemical products, they say, ‘well, we are going to move to the United States’. We funded the research, and then they go elsewhere because our procedures are too slow. That has to change. Otherwise, we will not be competitive with anybody in the world anymore." 

The EU is in a bind. EU institutions and many member states have condemned the Iranian government’s waves of repression against its own population. At the same time, the EU has said it would welcome a more democratic form of government in Iran. At the same time, it does not want to appear too closely aligned with the US‑Israeli strikes on Iran, which some EU member states — particularly Spain — have said are outside international law. So how should the EU walk this tightrope? And how can it support the Iranian people in this very difficult military, economic and humanitarian context? Our MEPs discuss.  Programme prepared by Perrine Desplats, Aline Bottin, Oihana Almandoz, Paul Guianvarc'h and Isabelle Romero  

Talking Europe sits down at the EU Commission with a man whose work goes to the very heart of what the EU sees as its core values. Michael McGrath is the Commissioner responsible for democracy, justice, the rule of law and consumer protection. His work concerns not just breaches of the rule of law in EU member states, but also the whole online dimension of democracy, including disinformation and foreign interference. Indeed, he now leads a new European Centre for Democratic Resilience. We start with the war in the Middle East and ask McGrath whether he believes, as France and Spain have said, that the US-Israeli attacks on Iran are outside international law? "Well, ultimately, it is for the international courts to give a definitive determination on that legal question," he answers. "But I think we have to remember here the absolute brutality of the Iranian regime and the brutality that they have perpetrated on their own people over many decades, including in recent weeks and in recent months." "There is an obligation on all parties now to this conflict to behave in a responsible way; to minimise damage and civilian casualties," McGrath goes on. "It is appalling to see innocent lives being lost. And that must be avoided at all costs." On the Iranian political dimension, McGrath states that "the outcome that we want to see here as a European Union is a system of governance in Iran that meets the needs of the Iranian people, and that they can be better served and better supported by a new form of government. Ideally, we would like to see a democratic government, a form of government that meets their needs and treats them in a far better and more humane way than the current Iranian regime has been doing for a long time." On the obvious split between Spain and France on the one hand and Germany on the other when it comes to responding to the US and Israel, McGrath points out that the EU treaties make it clear that the Common Foreign and Security Policy "is determined on the basis of unanimity, at European Council level. So it's not for the European Commission or the External Action Service to arrive at a policy position and represent the European Union. It is led by the member states, and we have to be given a mandate to represent and reflect that body of opinion. Of course, on any significant international issues, it is difficult to achieve unanimity. That is the reality that we face." 'Rule of law is not an optional extra' Turning to rule-of-law issues in Hungary and Slovakia, McGrath reminds us that "the rule of law is not an optional extra within the European Union. It is a binding obligation of EU membership". On Hungary, "a number of significant judgments are expected in the period ahead from the Court of Justice. And we have the Article 7 procedure that was triggered by the European Parliament back in 2018 – but the EU Council remains in ownership of that particular process". When it comes to Slovakia, McGrath says that the Commission has "received responses from the Slovak authorities in relation to our two letters of formal notice, which constitute the initiation of an infringement process. We are considering those replies that we have received. And of course, action and positive movement is what we actually need to see, in order for us to change our position. There is a way back (for the Slovak authorities) to address and repair these issues". With elections coming up in Hungary and in Denmark, we turn to the question online disinformation and election interference. "I'm very pleased that the new European Centre for Democratic Resilience is now up and running and with the full support of the member states of the European Union," McGrath avers. "And its central purpose really is to act as a hub, as a point of coordination, to join together all of the good work that is happening within the (EU) institutions and also at the level of the member states. We know that there has been foreign interference in elections in Europe. We also know that with the power of technology and the extraordinary power of artificial intelligence, the ability to spread disinformation does present real challenges for our democracies." Indeed, aren't existing EU tools falling behind those very rapid advances in AI and deepfakes? "We need guardrails and regulatory parameters, and in particular on AI", McGrath replies. "And we need to keep this under review. If we need to do more, then we have to be willing to make such proposals. But we do have a very strong toolbox, including support for free and independent media, support for civil society and support for independent justice systems. All of these are essential foundations of a free, open and democratic society, and we need to continue to invest in them." Programme prepared by Oihana Almandoz, Aline Bottin, Isabelle Romero, Perrine Desplats and Paul Guianvarc'h

On March 8, 2026, the world marks International Women's Day, to celebrate women's achievements and reinforce commitment to gender equality. In fact, this year denotes 115 years of collective action and advocacy. On a global scale, Europe is actually very progressive. If one looks at the World Economic Forum's latest Gender Gap Index, European countries take eight spots out of the world's top 10. In this show we explore areas that are still problematic in Europe when it comes to equality, particularly AI deepfakes and cyberbullying targeting women and girls – something that our guests are addressing at the 70th Session of the UN Commission on the Status of Women in New York. Programme prepared by Isabelle Romero, Perrine Desplats, Oihana Almandoz, Aline Bottin and Paul Guianvarc'h

European countries have some of the best public health systems in the world. And yet cancer rates have been going up, according to the European Commission. For instance, in 2022, there was a 2.3 percent increase on the year 2020. The International Agency for Research on Cancer says it expects cases in Europe to keep increasing over the next two decades. That may be part of a global trend, but it still leads us to the question: why do Europeans account for around 25 percent of global cancer cases when they represent less than 10 percent of the world's population? Have Europeans become too comfortable in the way they live? Find out more with the Intergroup on Cancer and Rare Diseases at the European Parliament. Programme prepared by Perrine Desplats, Isabelle Romero, Oihana Almandoz and Agnès Le Cossec

As FRANCE 24 covers another grim milestone in Ukraine – four years of full-scale war – Talking Europe hosts the former president of the EU Council, Charles Michel, who was in the job when that geopolitical earthquake struck the European continent on February 24, 2022. We also bring you a special feature, “Ukraine: Europe on the front line”, about the EU’s wide-ranging support for Ukraine, by our reporter Mélina Huet. Speaking of February 24, 2022, Charles Michel remembers, “The night when this full-scale invasion started, I had a phone call with Zelensky. He told me that there were (Russian) attacks everywhere. A few hours later, we had a meeting in Brussels with the 27 heads of state and government. And I managed to have Volodymyr Zelensky with us by video conference. It was a terrible moment because, in fact, we didn't need to talk to each other. Every leader around the table, we all had the same feelings. We all understood that this moment was a game changer for the future of the European continent. And we were also aware that it was extremely important to make bold decisions to support Ukraine.” What does Charles Michel think of President Macron’s recent remark that it would be “useful” for him and the Europeans to start talking directly to President Putin again? “That's a very good idea, because what is going on today is a real problem for the EU,” Michel answers.  “It's not normal that the European Union is not at the table. And if you are not at the table, you are on the menu. It means that no-one is defending our interest. We have observed that President Trump, very rapidly after his inauguration, made the choice to give legitimacy to Vladimir Putin and to launch those talks with Putin. We have to do more to be masters of our destiny. That's about security. That's about defence. That's about the decades to come. We must be at the table.” We ask Charles Michel who should be put forward as an EU envoy in any potential direct talks with the Kremlin. “There are various options, but I think that the most powerful option would be for the European Council to give a mandate, because it's the body with the highest legitimacy, with the 27 heads of state government,” Michel replies. “It could be a mandate to Antonio Costa, the president of the European Council, to be in the talks – with a strong mission; the defence of the European interest. You know, it’s very strange; we are powerful from the economic point of view. We are powerful from the military point of view. It’s very clear today that we are the most important supporter of Ukraine in terms of financial support, and in terms of military support. We must be more self-confident, I think.”   Programme prepared by Oihana Almandoz, Perrine Desplats and Isabelle Romero

As part of FRANCE 24’s and Talking Europe’s coverage of the fourth anniversary of the war in Ukraine, we host veteran diplomat Vsevolod Chentsov, Ukraine’s ambassador to the European Union. He highlights the critical assistance the EU is providing for the country’s military, budgetary, and energy needs, saying that the solidarity shown by Ukraine’s European allies "cannot be underestimated". On the fourth anniversary of full-scale war, Chentsov says that Ukrainians "again feel this feeling of strong support and solidarity with Ukraine. The unity of Europe is there. The role of European institutions and member states cannot be underestimated." Faced with a particularly harsh winter and Russian missile attacks, Chentsov points to the EU’s crucial help in the energy sector. "The EU has managed to mobilise more than €3 billion for energy support since February 2022; emergency purchases, generators, transformers and so on." Chentsov highlights that Ukraine now faces "a very difficult combination of very low temperatures and depleted stocks of missiles to hit Russian ballistic missiles and drones". On the landmark EU loan for Ukraine that was agreed at the end of last year, Chentsov says, "the 90-billion-euro loan launched new instruments to cover our needs in 2026 and 2027. Around 60 billion from this loan will be allocated to support Ukrainian defence, both for the Ukrainian defence industry and the European defence industry. What is very important is that Ukraine will be able to use the instrument in quite a flexible way, which means that we will be able to defend Ukraine." Referring to Ukraine’s funding shortfall even after taking the EU loan into account, Chentsov remarks; "the EU is covering a significant part of our needs, but definitely other partners are supposed to chip in, and we are working hard with the rest of our G7 partners. There were quite successful meetings recently in Brussels." We ask if the Ukrainian authorities feel abandoned by the Trump administration, given the latter’s drastic reduction in financial aid to Ukraine over the past year. "I hope that transatlantic unity will remain," Chentsov responds. "These days, our colleagues in the EU institutions and member states are talking to the US administration, for instance, about how to coordinate additional sanctions pressure on the Russian shadow fleet. And we are talking about a total ban on maritime transportation. So there is coordination between the EU and the US. And we definitely try to encourage our US partners put the pressure on Russia." On Ukraine’s EU membership process, Chentsov says that "it’s important to find a way out” of the impasse caused by the Hungarian government blocking the formal opening of the first cluster in the EU accession negotiations. He adds, "We managed to find a way to move forward with the European Commission and the EU Council Secretariat and to do basically all the technical work, not only on the first cluster, but also on other clusters, in order to be ready to double down as soon as we will be able to overcome this political blockage. We are moving fast and we try not to lose any momentum." Programme prepared by Oihana Almandoz, Perrine Desplats and Isabelle Romero

Europe's regions are in danger of being squeezed as the EU considers sweeping changes to the way its 27 member states spend their money, warns the European official tasked with reducing inequalities among the bloc's hundreds of towns and regions. Kata Tütto, a Hungarian socialist, and president of the European Committee of the Regions, tells Talking Europe's Douglas Herbert that the EU's next long-term budget, which runs from 2028 to 2034, risks quietly shrinking the money that underpins local investment under the EU's region-focused Cohesion Policy. At the centre of the controversy is a proposed "mega-fund" worth roughly €865 billion, which would pool money for farmers and poorer regions in a single pot. That may sound vast. But spread across seven years and 260 regions, the reality is far less impressive, Tütto says. Under the current proposals, funding for regions would fall to roughly half of today's level. It's a shift that could hollow out the EU's cohesion policy, the main tool designed to reduce economic gaps between Europe's cities and regions. The timing, Tüttő argues, could hardly be worse. Every region – rich or poor – is undergoing a demographic, climate and technological transition. In a world of constant crisis and mounting threats, she warns, governments are tempted to sacrifice long-term investment for short-term fixes, centralising decisions and draining attention and money away from the local level. While Tüttő accepts that defence and security now dominate the political agenda, she challenges the definition of what security means. It is not only about tanks, borders or drones, she says, but also about safe drinking water, affordable housing, clean energy and resilient infrastructure – the everyday needs that allow societies to function when shocks hit. Tütto's message to Brussels is blunt: Europe cannot project strength abroad if it allows inequality and instability to grow at home. Undermining Cohesion Policy, she warns, would weaken the very base that allows the European Union to act together economically, politically and strategically. Programme prepared by Perrine Desplats, Oihana Almandoz, Paul Guianvarc'h and Isabelle Romero

Worries that too much time on social media may be hurting children's mental health, and creating addictions as harmful as alcohol or cigarettes, are sparking growing calls across Europe to block minors under the age of 15 or 16 from access to platforms. After Australia became the first country to block under-16s from platforms in December, a host of EU countries are poised to possibly follow suit. France, Spain, Portugal and Greece are now weighing similar measures, driven by growing concerns over algorithms and the grip of Big Tech on young minds. Supporters of tougher rules argue that the risks are no longer theoretical. Studies increasingly link heavy social media use among teenagers to anxiety, depression, addictive behaviour and, in extreme cases, suicide. Read more‘Addiction is profitable’: Meta, Google stand trial over social media effects on children Governments insist they are stepping in where platforms have failed to protect children from systems designed to maximise screen time over well-being. Marc Angel, a Luxembourgish MEP from the Socialists & Democrats group, and a member of the European Parliament's Intergroup on Children's Rights, is among the European lawmakers who backs a ban. In our Talking Europe debate, Angel argues that the logic is simple: what is illegal offline should be illegal online. He warns that today's dangers are no longer just in the street, but on the bedroom screens of smartphones and other devices. "When I was a kid, my parents told me not to let strangers into the house," he says. "Now the strangers are in the bedrooms of kids. And sometimes they aren't even real people." But opponents of a blanket ban, such as Ana Vasconcelos, a Portuguese MEP with Renew Europe, consider it a blunt and ineffective tool. In a pointed retort to Angel, Vasconcelos argues that Europe risks over-correcting, prioritising symbolic action over workable solutions. Vasconcelos warns that age-verification systems raise serious privacy issues, expose sensitive data to hacking, and are "very easy to circumvent." In her view, bans may create a false sense of safety while failing to address the real problem. Instead, she argues for targeted measures: privacy-by-design on devices, phone-free spaces in schools, stronger media literacy, together with greater parental responsibility. For Vasconcelos, the challenge is not whether social media poses risks, but how to prepare young people to navigate a digital reality they cannot avoid. Programme prepared by Perrine Desplats, Isabelle Romero, Oihana Almandoz and Paul Guianvarc'h   Find here the verbatim of the debate on the protection of minors online in the European Parliament

Shared economic and security interests still bind Europe and the United States, even as trust has eroded, insults have flown and rhetoric has hardened in the transatlantic relationship, Brando Benifei, the chair of the delegation for relations with the United States at the European Parliament, tells FRANCE 24 in Talking Europe. Despite growing friction, Benifei, an MEP from Italy with the Socialists and Democrats parliamentary group, says ties between Brussels and Washington remain vital. But a partnership, he adds, cannot survive without mutual respect. While favouring diplomacy, Benifei insists there is a clear limit after which Europe must be ready to retaliate if it wants to be taken seriously. He points to the Greenland episode as proof that firmness and determination work: once EU governments signalled real consequences, dialogue with Washington on Arctic security became "calmer" and more "reasonable". On trade, Benifei says Europe is deliberately reaching out to others. The recent EU-India trade agreement, he argues, shows the bloc is diversifying its trade routes and reducing dependence on any single partner. The message to Washington is simple: Europe has alternatives, and leverage. As the EU leads global efforts on AI regulation, Benifei sees artificial intelligence as a tool to enforce trade rules and ensure that agreements are respected. But he cautions that Europe must strive to close the gap with the US and China by strengthening computing power, mobilising capital and deepening financial market integration. Benifei is sharply critical of Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni's approach to US President Donald Trump, calling it "very bad" and driven by domestic politics and ideology rather than Italy's national interests. His conclusion is blunt: only a united Europe can negotiate with the United States on an equal footing. Programme prepared by Perrine Desplats, Oihana Almandoz, Paul Guianvarc'h and Isabelle Romero

Europe has experienced numerous crises since Donald Trump returned to the White House: on trade and tariffs; on Ukraine; and perhaps the most surreal one – on Greenland. The latter was unprecedented: NATO's leading member, the US, openly expressing its territorial designs on another NATO member, Denmark. With each emergency, the same calls have been heard for Europe to wake up and take its destiny into its own hands. But how should the EU and the European members of NATO actually make a strategic shift? We put the question to two MEPs.  Read moreEurope braces for what's next after Trump eases Greenland tensions Programme prepared by Perrine Desplats, Paul Guianvarc’h, Oihana Almandoz and Isabelle Romero   Find here the debate in the European Parliament on the "Territorial integrity and sovereignty of Greenland and the Kingdom of Denmark and the need for a united EU response to US blackmail attempts"  

As Europe faces unprecedented geopolitical headwinds, from the Ukraine war to Donald Trump’s designs on Greenland, we speak to the EU Commissioner in charge of the economy, productivity, and simplification: Valdis Dombrovskis. A former prime minister of Latvia, Dombrovskis is very much a Brussels insider, serving in various high-profile roles in the EU Commission since 2016, and as a member of the European Parliament in 2004-2009. Asked if Europe has been too soft on Trump during the Greenland crisis, Dombrovskis answers: "The EU was very clear that threats to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of EU member states are not acceptable, and so are the tariff threats. And correspondingly, we were ready to react forcefully. I think that was one of the factors which eventually helped to change President Trump's mind. And the focus now is where it should be: on how to strengthen security in the Arctic region." But, we ask, is it not naïve to go back to business as usual, especially when it comes to US-EU trade, and the bilateral trade agreement? "We managed to get the situation (with the US) into a constructive trajectory," Dombrovskis responds. "Correspondingly, it would be important to indeed finalise the (trade) agreement also from our side, because it's important to provide some stability and predictability for economies and businesses on both sides of the Atlantic. It's worth noting that the EU-US trade and investment relationship is the largest in the world." On the issue of defence, Dombrovskis explains how "buy European" rules will affect Ukraine's military capabilities. "The European Commission has proposed a balanced solution. There is a clear priority for European manufacturers, and that includes Ukraine itself," Dombrovskis asserts. "But there is also a cascading mechanism, meaning that if there's certain military equipment which Ukraine urgently needs, but which is not readily available from the eligible (European) producers, Ukraine can purchase this equipment from other producers. Right now the situation in Ukraine is very dire. We see that Russia has substantially intensified its attacks against Ukrainian cities, against Ukrainian energy. And in a situation like this, to block weapons deliveries, for example air defence systems or other deliveries which are urgently needed, that would certainly not be justified." We turn to the controversial issue of simplification, which environmental groups and trade unions have criticised, saying that the Green Deal and social protections are being rolled back in the process. "Our simplification work is not deregulation," Dombrovskis counters. "We are not giving away our high social or environmental standards. We are sticking with the European Green Deal 2030 targets, and 2050 targets. So what it's about is how to reach our goals in a simpler and less burdensome manner. If you listen to businesses, the majority of them are saying that the excessive administrative burden is an obstacle for development, and for investing in Europe. A majority of small and medium-sized enterprises are saying it's their main obstacle. And that's why we are pursuing this simplification agenda, with the aim of reducing the overall administrative burden by 25 percent for all companies, and by 35 percent for small and medium enterprises." Programme prepared by Oihana Almandoz, Perrine Desplats and Isabelle Romero

On January 1, Bulgaria officially joined the eurozone, becoming the 21st country to join the European single currency. Sofia's adoption of the euro brings hope of major economic benefits, but it also comes at a moment of deep political polarisation and mass anti-corruption protests, which culminated in the resignation of both the country's government and president. Our reporters Elitsa Gadeva and Charlotte Prudhomme were on the ground during the first weeks of the transition, as Bulgarians had one month to adapt to the new currency. From February 1, the country's only legal tender is the euro. In this programme, we also speak to Ekaterina Zaharieva, the EU Commissioner for Startups, Research and Innovation, and a former deputy prime minister of Bulgaria. "I think this will open a huge opportunity for the whole private sector," Zaharieva says about Bulgaria joining the euro. "And of course, startups are really flexible by their nature. They have employees from different countries. So this will definitely be a big improvement for the private sector." On the broader strategic significance of the move, Zaharieva says: "As a minister in different governments who really worked hard for Bulgaria to join the eurozone, I really think it's a big moment for Bulgaria and for Europe. Because in this geopolitical instability, the European Union has become a beacon of stability, of predictability. And you see that the euro is getting stronger and stronger as a currency. So I think it's really positive news for Bulgarian businesses and for Bulgarian citizens." Programme prepared by Oihana Almandoz, Perrine Desplats and Isabelle Romero

One of the most pressing issues in the EU is the housing crisis. Wages are not keeping up with the rising costs of accommodation, and paying the rent is a challenge for many – never mind trying to get on the property ladder. Meanwhile, homelessness has got worse. Our guest is the EU's first housing commissioner, although his brief also covers energy – a key issue as the bloc tries to become more independent. Dan Jorgensen is a Danish Social Democrat, and in Denmark he was minister for climate and energy, and minister for development cooperation and global climate policy, before taking up the Energy and Housing portfolio for the EU in 2024. We start with the tensions over Greenland, and we ask Jorgensen if the EU has stood up for its interests forcefully enough. "I do think that the European Union has been quite strong in sending the message across the Atlantic to President Trump that we all stand behind Greenland," Jorgensen replies. "The French president has also been very vocal, saying that the sovereignty of a nation needs to be respected, and we appreciate that a lot." "There is no future of Greenland without the Greenlandic people," Jorgensen goes on, "and no future without decisions made by the Greenlandic government and the Danish government, since, of course, Greenland is still a part of the Danish kingdom." Turning to his portfolio, Jorgensen underlines that Europe needs "a huge wake-up call" on the housing crisis. "If people don't have a home, if they cannot afford the most basic need, which is a roof over their head, then there is a real risk that they will turn against democracy, and to protests," Jorgensen asserts. "What is our job as decision makers if not to help people have a good life? And it is true, as you imply, that in the past the European Commission has not played a big role here. We will play now a much bigger role, and one of the things that we need to do is change the rules for when it is possible to use state aid. We want to make it easier for member states to use state aid where the market does not deliver. So this means that we can use state aid to provide more affordable housing so that nurses, teachers and police officers can also afford to live where they serve." Jorgensen turns to the question of short-term rentals, which he says is "a huge challenge in many cities in France and across the European Union. Short-term rentals have in some places turned into money factories for the people that own the buildings, crowding out normal people from their homes because there's more money to be made on short-term rentals. We want to do something about that problem," Jorgensen says, adding: "You can put a maximum number of nights that you are allowed to rent out your home. You can differentiate between normal people, so to speak, and professional owners that only have these apartments to rent them out as short-term rentals." Turning to energy, the EU has committed itself to stopping imports of Russian liquefied natural gas (LNG) by the end of 2027. Is that realistic, given that several European countries imported significant amounts of Russian LNG in 2025, notably France? "I do think it is realistic," Jorgensen answers. "We have managed to bring down our consumption quite significantly already, from 45 percent four years ago to between 10 and 13 percent today, and now we need to take the final steps. We can no longer allow Putin to weaponise energy against us." Will this gas independence happen, though, given that the leaders of Hungary and Slovakia oppose that overall EU direction? "Well, the decision has been made," Jorgensen points out. "So it is no longer up to those two countries. This will now be made into legislation and law in all countries. That is the way our Union works. When a decision is made by qualified majority, then it happens in all member states. Also in the ones that do not support it. Now, I would have wished, of course, that we had unanimity behind these decisions. We don't, and that's regrettable, but it doesn't change the bottom line and the outcome. We will stop importing Russian gas in Europe," Jorgensen concludes. Programme prepared by Oihana Almandoz, Perrine Desplats and Isabelle Romero

EU member states have backed a hardening of migration policy, endorsing the controversial idea of "return hubs" beyond EU borders to process asylum seekers whose applications have been rejected. This as a key EU Migration and Asylum Pact is set to come into effect in June. We ask why this more hardline approach is taking shape, and what our guests think of the "hubs" concept. Programme prepared by Isabelle Romero, Perrine Desplats and Oihana Almandoz   Find here information on the EU's migration policy  

For US President Donald Trump, mocking a country or a leader is not just a reality TV-style soundbite, it is an early warning sign of military action. Trump scorned Nicolas Maduro for "playing tough" before snatching the Venezuelan leader. Now he contemptuously talks of Denmark "adding two more dogsleds" to defend Greenland. European countries do appear to be taking this latest threat seriously, but can they actually stop Trump from taking over Greenland? And how do they navigate this crisis when they must also stay focused on Ukraine? We put these questions to Rasmus Jarlov, chair of the defence committee in the Danish parliament. We cut to the chase: Is Denmark expecting a US invasion of Greenland? "We still don't consider that the most likely scenario, because it would be so disastrous and so crazy and so damaging also for the Americans," Jarlov answers. "But we can't afford to rule it out when the American government continuously refuses to take it off the table. Of course we have to be prepared for that scenario also." Read moreTaking over Greenland, a long-standing US obsession Jarlov says Denmark is grateful for the solidarity that EU and NATO friends are showing by joining military exercises being carried out by the Danish defence forces in and around Greenland. "It means everything to us because we are a small country of 6 million people, and we cannot stand up to the Americans ourselves," Jarlov says. "So it is important that others step up in a situation like this, when we are under so much pressure. We must show that we mean it, and that we cannot allow anyone to take our territory. We are so grateful for the support we're receiving from France, from Germany, from other reliable allies." Watch moreWhat will Europe actually do to defend Greenland? So what about the worst-case development – an American invasion? "That would be a horrible scenario for everybody," Jarlov says. "There would be absolutely no winners because the Americans already have access to Greenland. Annexing Greenland is not going to give them anything that they don't already have. Where they have full military access, they can have as many bases as they want. They used to have about 30 bases and they only have one today. They've completely downscaled their presence, but if they want to upscale it again, the door is wide open. If they want to do mining in Greenland, the door is also wide open. And so annexing Greenland wouldn't gain anything that they don't already have. And it would cause a lot of problems because our relationship would be over. Our alliance would be finished. And we would also have a complete meltdown of NATO." And the winner in that scenario would be Russian President Vladimir Putin, presumably? "This [situation] is a very unwelcome and unnecessary distraction from our efforts in Ukraine," Jarlov explains. "Denmark is the top contributor to Ukraine per person. There's no other population in the world where each person has given as much money as Denmark to Ukraine, and that's by a large margin. And we want to help Ukraine with everything we can. We don't want to have to defend ourselves on the western flank as well. And now we have a distraction where we actually have to move troops up to Greenland. So far, in small numbers. But this is a big win for Putin. If he can split the Western alliance, if the Americans can insist on any part of our territory, and he can split, maybe even destroy NATO, then he is the big winner. It would be fantastic for him." Read morePutin says not surprised by Trump's Greenland bid due to longstanding US mineral interests We ask Jarlov if the crisis has tempered the desire for independence among Greenlanders. "It's up to the Greenlanders to draw that conclusion, of course," he asserts. "But it's becoming very clear what the alternative to being a part of Denmark is, and that is to be swallowed by the United States. So that means that Greenlanders right now are not talking about independence because they first of all want to avoid being taken by the Americans." Programme prepared by Paul Guianvarc'h, Oihana Almandoz and Perrine Desplats

A majority of EU member states have voted in favour of a landmark free trade deal with Latin American countries. The Mercosur agreement has been 25 years in the making, and its supporters are adamant that it will assert Europe's geostrategic position and benefit consumers. But despite the green light from the EU Council, Mercosur continues to face opposition from countries such as France, as well as from many farmers in the EU. Meanwhile, the European Parliament still has to have its final say. We discuss the deal with two MEPs. Programme prepared by Isabelle Romero, Perrine Desplats and Oihana Almandoz

Nearly four years into Russia's full-scale invasion, the war in Ukraine grinds on, and the search for a viable off-ramp looks increasingly narrow. Speaking to FRANCE 24’s Douglas Herbert, France's ambassador to Ukraine, Gaël Veyssière, delivers a pointed rebuttal to Moscow's battlefield narrative, warning that the Kremlin's perception and reality are increasingly at odds. The US covert operation that led to the capture of Venezuela's President Nicolas Maduro is "bad news" for Russia, Veyssière says. He adds that Moscow is "embarrassed" and "ill at ease", forced to react cautiously as it balances the loss of a key ally with its desire not to antagonise US President Donald Trump amid discussions on Ukraine. Veyssière also pushes back against claims that the Venezuela operation gives Russian President Vladimir Putin license to act freely in his own "sphere of influence", arguing that Trump sees the United States as the world’s number-one power, with no true equals. Asked about security guarantees for Ukraine, the ambassador insists they are indispensable to any lasting peace. Russian objections to an international reassurance force, he argues, are largely "irrelevant", since any such deployment would take place on Ukrainian, not Russian, soil. Still, he acknowledges that Moscow could use the issue as leverage to block a ceasefire. If Putin insists on fighting until his territorial demands are met, Veyssière is blunt: there would be "no possibility of a ceasefire", because Ukraine will not "let its territories go". As for the battlefield, open-source estimates show Russian forces captured less than 1 percent of Ukraine's territory in all of 2025. That figure alone, Veyssière notes, exposes the Kremlin's claim of military success as disinformation. Russia may be pushing forward, but its version of events is "not what you see on the map", the ambassador says. Programme prepared by Oihana Almandoz, Perrine Desplats and Paul Guianvarc'h

As 2026 gets off to a rocky start, Europe finds itself squeezed between brute force and awkward dependence. After the US seizure of Venezuela's leader, President Donald Trump has openly floated using military force to acquire Greenland, part of NATO member Denmark. European leaders insist it will not happen. The harder question is whether they could stop it if Washington decided otherwise. Read moreTaking over Greenland, a long-standing US obsession FRANCE 24's Douglas Herbert asks two European policy gurus whether Europe can just say "No" to Donald Trump.  Nicolas Tenzer is an author, political blogger and foreign policy specialist, and Nathalie Tocci, the director of Italy's Istituto Affari Internazionali is a leading voice on the EU's role in a changing world.  Europe relies on Trump's support to keep Ukraine afloat, yet is expected to defend the sovereignty of one of its own members against him. A dilemma that Tenzer and Tocci agree has a moral, as well as political, dimension. Ukraine looms just as large. With Washington offering vague assurances and Russian President Vladimir Putin rejecting security guarantees outright, Europe faces an unsettling prospect: guarantees that may never be worth more than the paper they are written on. Putin insists he will fight on until victory, leaving Europe to confront whether Ukraine risks being pushed into a bad deal shaped by big-power bargaining between Moscow and Washington – with Kyiv and Europe sidelined. Watch more'Not what you see on the map': French ambassador to Ukraine challenges Russia's victory narrative So is Europe wasting precious time on a diplomatic dance with little chance of success? Can it hold its own in a back-to-the-future world where might makes right? And if both Trump and Putin are prepared to impose outcomes, what room is left for European power, principle and choice? Programme prepared by Oihana Almandoz, Perrine Desplats and Isabelle Romero

Farmers in the EU have protested on many occasions over unfair foreign competition and the viability of their businesses. They gathered again in Brussels on December 18, while an EU summit was going on, this time focusing their ire on the Mercosur free trade agreement between the EU and Latin American countries. We speak to Elli Tsiforou, the Secretary-General of COPA-COGECA, the umbrella organisation of farmers and agri-cooperatives in the EU. Tsiforou explains why farmers are so worried about this type of free trade agreement. "In every commercial agreement, there are opportunities and there are losses," she says. "Our question when it comes to Mercosur is more strategic. And the strategic question has to do with the divergence of standards. in the Mercosur deal, we see that the gap between EU standards and the standards that are practically not applying in those countries is enormous. And this is something that we cannot accept." Tsiforou elaborates: "Any sector could fall into this, in future trade deals, if the European Commission doesn't have a strategic appreciation of our sector when it comes to striking trade deals." But don't the safeguards that MEPs voted to strengthen in the EU Parliament provide a safety net? "Despite the sincere efforts of the members of the Parliament to improve [the safeguards], they cannot provide sufficient guarantees for us," Tsiforou answers. "You cannot address the standards question through a defensive mechanism. The Mercosur countries need to commit to the same [standards] as we have in Europe. And this is not addressed by the safeguards." Tsiforou is also not impressed by the EU Commission's talk of streamlining and improving help to farmers in the next long-term EU budget. "We see that the proposals of the Commission for the future policy after 2028 not only introduce important budgetary cuts, so 20 percent, without counting the impact of inflation, but they also radically change the structure of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP)," Tsiforou states. "So there we see a clear danger of renationalisation of the only common policy we have in the EU, the CAP, which is one of the pillars of the EU construction as a whole. So this renationalisation risks ending up with 27 agricultural policies across the EU, and a severe impact on the internal market and on the functioning of the food chain, and also on rural areas." We ask Tsiforou if the EU's simplification agenda – reducing bureaucracy on farmers, among many sectors – is bearing fruit. "Currently? Not at all," Tsiforou replies. "I think that we are reaching a peak in terms of the burden that is experienced by farmers. There is a big chunk of EU legislation that is weighing on EU farms, that farmers need to implement. But the rules either contradict themselves, or are not pragmatic and block farmers from producing, or block them in their efforts to go towards the sustainable transition. The Commission has committed to a thorough and authentic simplification. But we see a lack of ambition there. We just had the Environment Omnibus simplification proposals, and we saw that there were very few elements that address our concrete concerns when it comes to simplification." Programme prepared by Isabelle Romero, Oihana Almandoz and Perrine Desplats