Insight Myanmar

Episode #391: A key figure at Article 19 for the Asia Pacific region, Lana exposes a dilemma: the tense dynamic between an accelerating tech industry and authoritarian governments' increasing digital control. Lana's background informs her examination of how tech operations affect human rights in countries such as Myanmar, Vietnam, and China.Authorities in oppressive Asian nations are increasingly delegating enforcement of their restrictive policies to private tech firms. In Myanmar, post-2021 coup, new legislation forces telecom and IT companies to comply with the cybersecurity law. Lana clarifies that Myanmar's military isn't just removing content directly; it's using laws to transfer censorship and surveillance responsibilities to the tech sector. This puts companies in an untenable position, forced to obey unconstitutional mandates while operating in a worsening economy, with internet shutdowns and conflict further complicating matters.There is also the inconsistent nature of content moderation. She suggests moderation policies often reflect “public opinion in Western countries and public pressure,” rather than consistent ethics. Moreover, weak or absent data protection laws leave users vulnerable, enabling companies to collect vast amounts of information.Despite these hurdles, Lana stresses civil society's essential role in ensuring digital rights. She advocates for a human rights-first approach, urging companies to conduct thorough impact assessments. “We want the private sector to be more transparent and responsive when things are flagged by ​​civil society, and solve those issues together without a fear of being given to their authorities,” she emphasizes.While a universal policy is impractical, international human rights standards are important. “We should not stop and do nothing as a civil society just because it's complicated,” she stresses, placing accountability on both companies and users to ensure a safe, free online environment.

Episode #390: The exhibition Fragmentation, hosted earlier this year at Bangkok Art and Culture Center and co-organized by SEA Junction and A New Burma, presented haunting photographs of displaced teachers and students in Karenni State, capturing both devastation and resilience in the midst of war. Through a series of interviews, curators and participants reflected on the deeper meanings of these images.Tim, the co-curator and graphic designer, explained the deliberate effort to avoid sensationalizing suffering, instead showing both the grief of loss and the ordinariness of children still learning. He recalls how the sound of school bells had come to double as an airstrike siren, a chilling metaphor for the normalization of fear.Nicola Edwards, an education researcher, highlights how schools and health facilities have become deliberate military targets. Yet she notes that this destruction has catalyzed new, community-driven education systems, from jungle classrooms to mother-tongue curricula, where untrained but dedicated volunteers sustain children’s learning and safety.Patrick, a frontline doctor in Karenni, describes the direct targeting of hospitals and the horrific injuries he treats daily, many of them children. Though he has survived airstrikes and seen atrocities firsthand, he emphasized solidarity among medical workers and the determination to continue serving despite trauma.Mya Hein, a Muslim student unionist, reflects on his political awakening, the discrimination he faced, and how the revolution has brought fleeting moments of solidarity alongside lingering structural inequalities. He urged that minority rights must be central to any genuine future for Myanmar.Finally, artist and organizer MCP spoke of the revolution’s impact on art, where creativity has become both a tool of survival and a means of political dialogue. For him, art conveys truths and emotions beyond statistics, keeping Myanmar’s suffering—and hope—visible to the world.Together, their voices reveal a portrait of education, health, identity, and creativity as intertwined acts of resistance.

Episode #389: Mie Mie Wynn Bird, a retired U.S. Army officer and defense strategist runs leadership and capacity-building workshops for Myanmar’s pro-democracy movement. In this episode, she argues that morale—and not weapons or resources—is the decisive factor in war. She is guided by this principle: “people first, mission always”: leaders must train, protect, and respect their teams while keeping the mission in focus, building trust that cannot be fabricated in crisis. In Myanmar, morale among the resistance groups continues to be high, with the people believing they are fighting for a righteous cause. In contrast, the morale of the military’s conscripts deteriorates by the day, and a vibrant Burmese-language media ecosystem also mocks and undermines the regime, boosting opposition confidence. She estimates the junta holds just 20% of the country despite the huge material and weapons imbalances in its favor. Mie Mie Wynn Bird also highlights language use as part of the struggle. She calls out Western media for framing the struggle in “both sides” platitudes, and for using words that distort perception of the conflict, like “insurgents” instead of “revolutionary forces.” She urges the international community to frame the resistance in Myanmar as a story of ingenuity and determination, because winning the narrative is part of sustaining morale. Praising the diaspora’s critical and selfless contributions, which further boosts morale, she notes that the increased participation of women in all facets of the struggle does as well, as diversity strengthens problem-solving and resilience. She does, however, note the beginnings of  a decline in women’s participation because of lingering cultural norms, which she views as both avoidable but also harmful to the cause. In the end, Mie Mie Wynn Bird says, “The Myanmar story is not a story of victims. It is a story of ingenuity, adaptability, and determination.”

Episode #388: “Every day in Myanmar, people are living in constant fear, fear of air strike, fear of artillery, fear of arbitrary arrest, fear of extra judicial killing. As long as the military is in power, the country will not be in peace,” says Alex, a Burmese activist-in-exile about Myanmar's brutal reality under military rule. His believes that the military’s planned, upcoming elections are in his words “a sham,” just a strategy to consolidate power and a deceptive charade to gain international legitimacy. Because they already hold 25% of the Parliamentary seats under the fraudulent 2008 Constitution, which sets the minimum limit of 33% of the total seats as the threshold for being able to form a government, they just need 8% more. This leads Alex to conclude that the junta will easily be able to manipulate the results to achieve whatever outcome they want. “They are trying to lie to the world, to the country, that’s what they have been doing since day one.”The second guest is Wunna, and he describes how on the morning of February 1, 2021, he recalls an eerie silence. The internet was down and phone lines had been cut. Wunna and a friend drove to Naypyidaw to see what was happening – they observed MPs being held under house arrest, guarded by soldiers. “I couldn’t even describe how I felt that day. It was really powerless and hopeless on the first day.” This direct experience at Ground Zero propelled him into action. He joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), arranging safe houses and transportation for civil servants. But his bank account was subsequently frozen, and the escalating risk finally forced him to reluctantly make the agonizing decision to leave Myanmar, joining countless exiles.Despite his personal sacrifice, Wunna clings to a powerful conviction. He believes the revolution, built from nothing, still has the opportunity to prevail. To avoid despair, he just focuses on what is within his power to do. He acknowledges international skepticism to the resistance but affirms its strength. He advocates for constructive criticism, but says that it should be accompanied by practical suggestions, and not just empty theorizing. His final message is a call to global solidarity: “I just want to request, be part of our history in defending and nurturing democracy.”

Episode #387: “I think vipassana has always been a response to crisis, not just a quest for spiritual purity,” says Gustaaf Houtman, anthropologist and author of Traditions of Buddhist Practice in Burma and Mental Culture in Burmese Crisis Politics. Drawing on decades of research and immersion in the culture, Houtman connects meditation, language, politics, and cultural history, revealing a view of Burma’s Buddhist traditions that resists Western simplifications. Houtman contrasts Western notions of religion—rooted in belief in abstract doctrines and separated from culture—with the Burmese concept of sāsana, the Buddha’s dispensation, which is integrally embedded in historical and social life. He juxtaposes sāsana with bodha-batha, a term coined by the 19th century American missionary Adoniram Judson, which reframed Buddhism as a belief-based “-ism,” comparable to Christianity. This, Houtman argues, was not simply linguistic but ideological as well. In response, Burmese reformers emphasized Pāḷi terms like sāsana to defend Buddhism’s historical and cultural depth, turning language into “a site of resistance” against Western cultural hegemony. This framework illuminates the importance of lineage in Burmese meditation. Unlike monastic ordination, which is formally documented, meditation instruction is informal and personal, requiring validation from respected teachers— and it rarely goes in a straight line. U Ba Khin’s reliance on Webu Sayadaw’s endorsement exemplifies how Burmese meditation culture depends on networks of trust and recognition. Houtman contrasts this complexity with S. N. Goenka’s simplified lineage narrative, which, while pedagogically effective, erases the historical crises— British colonialism, military dictatorship, and cultural reform— that gave rise to vipassana. He links this history to Ledi Sayadaw, whose reforms empowered laypeople to sustain Buddhism during colonial rule, paving the way for later teachers like Mahasi Sayadaw and U Ba Khin. Meditation in Burma, Houtman emphasizes, has long been entwined with social and cultural life, politics, and survival, and is a source of cultural pride.  Today, he supports exiled Burmese scholars through what he calls “academic activism,” insisting that understanding Burma requires joining its ongoing historical struggle. “If you stay with it, you will be drawn in. And if you’re drawn in, you stay for the long haul.”

Episode #386: Maw Htun, Deputy Minister for Electricity and Energy in Myanmar's National Unity Government (NUG), has navigated a path defined by personal tribulation and transformation since the 2021 coup. His journey began with joining the NUG to fulfill a lifelong dream of systemic change, but was soon overshadowed by a battle with cancer. With his critical illness and having to endure a series of complex medical procedures, Maw Htun faced an existential crisis. This harrowing experience, including a miraculous recovery linked to a burgeoning meditation practice, radically reshaped his worldview and even his political outlook.Previously driven by achievements, he found a deeper humility, recognizing the fragility of life and the illusion of fixed identities. Though recognizing his Kachin and Christian identities, his experience of suffering led him to perceive social identities as “constructs,” advocating for a politics focused on shared humanity. He advocates for a federal democracy that genuinely ensures “making life better no matter who you are.”Maw Htun's role in the NUG is central to this vision. He describes the body as a legitimate government and a revolutionary force, battling resource constraints and public expectations. He asserts its essential role in rallying support and establishing defense forces, arguing that the junta's brutal aerial attacks prove “the NUG mechanism is working.” While acknowledging valid criticisms regarding efficiency and representation, he stresses the NUG's dedication to human rights and its non-static, evolving nature– a resilience that fuels his resolve to fight for a future Myanmar free from discrimination.

Episode #385: Minna Fredriksson, human rights advisor at the Swedish development organization Diakonia, describes her humanitarian work and critiques the humanitarian aid field based on her years of work in Southeast Asia. Fredriksson managed humanitarian efforts in refugee camps along the Thai-Myanmar border in 2013. This was at the start of the democratic transition, and when donor governments such as the U.S., Sweden, Germany, and Japan were urging refugees to return to Myanmar despite persistent insecurity. She observed firsthand the disconnect between donor timelines and refugee realities.  Later, inside Myanmar, Fredriksson found that decades of repression had shaped how people communicated even in safe settings, highlighting the need for culturally-sensitive modes of communication and trust-building. She stresses that aid responses must be trauma-informed, participatory, and led by communities themselves, and offers examples of successful local initiatives. However, she cautions against overromanticizing societies, including traditional societies, noting that all exhibit inequalities and prejudices of some kind or other. “Those need to be addressed,” she says firmly. She also warns of the global trend of aid retrenchment, especially Sweden’s shift toward nationalist priorities, which undermines those on-the-ground gains. “It breaks my heart when I hear that people say, ‘It’s like the world doesn’t care,’” she says.  In closing, Fredriksson highlights the damaging effects of information repression inside Myanmar, which she calls a form of “soft violence,” as well as the international marginalization and erasure of Myanmar’s crisis. She affirms her commitment to amplifying Myanmar’s voices: “The motivation, of course, to continue to talk about Myanmar… and make sure that there is information about what’s happening.”

Episode #384: “As a journalist, you always hope for consequences. I mean, otherwise our reporting is meaningless,” says Bjørn Nordahl, a Norwegian investigative reporter who led a two-year probe into Telenor’s withdrawal from Myanmar. The case was especially painful because the company, once praised for driving SIM card prices down and sparking a communication revolution in 2014, ended up entangled with a brutal military regime. After the February 2021 coup, Telenor initially disclosed military orders to shut down networks and block Facebook. But on February 14 its CEO told Norwegian media, “From now on, I can’t say anything” about Myanmar. From that point until March 2022, the company ceased public disclosures while complying with junta demands. Nordahl’s team examined over 750 leaked documents. These showed two categories of orders: shutdown directives and direct requests for subscriber information. One June 2021 internal assessment warned that handing over data on a PDF member meant “the impact of sharing this information is extremely high” and could enable arrests. Another request concerned a doctor close to Aung San Suu Kyi; Telenor concluded “it’s likely that this number will be used to support the military examinations of the criminal case against Aung San Suu Kyi.” Nordahl notes Telenor admitted, when asked, that “we never said no” to junta requests, with lawyers justifying every handover under Myanmar’s military law, while “Norwegian legislation does not come into consideration.” At home, questions arose about oversight. Around 30 meetings took place between Telenor and Norway’s Ministry of Trade and Commerce, though their content remains undisclosed. Nordahl highlighted that the Labor Party was in power during both entry and exit, adding, “probably there will be people in the opposition who are very interested in this story.” He said opposition groups already call for an independent investigation, and predicted, “this claim will be even stronger and probably reach another level after we have published this.” For Nordahl, the saga illustrates the limits of corporate responsibility under authoritarianism. Yet he insists the story must be documented, both for future accountability and as a warning of how global business decisions can imperil lives.

Episode #383: The 4th International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies (ICBMS) was hosted at hosted by Chiang Mai University. This major event brought together many scholars and experts to discuss Myanmar’s ongoing challenges, including the 2021 coup, conflicts, peace efforts, and human rights issues. Hosting over 800 participants over its three day event, it was one of the largest events dedicated to Myanmar studies.Insight Myanmar Podcast recorded exclusive interviews with a number of guests at the conference. These short conversations covered a broad range of topics, and this episode closes out this four-part series. Our guests are:Gar, representing the Myanmar Internet Project, focuses on digital rights and security. She describes the military's use of internet restrictions and surveillance technologies to suppress dissent. Her organization works to raise awareness, provide digital security support, and document online propaganda and surveillance to protect those at risk.Jaivet Eolom, affiliated with the Myanmar Policy and Action Knowledge Hub at the University of Toronto, views Myanmar as being at a critical juncture for being able to reshape its future. He emphasizes the need to unlearn decades of military propaganda in order to avoid repeating past mistakes. This includes particularly harmful narratives like those surrounding the Rohingya.Napas Thein, a research fellow at the University of British Columbia and the Myanmar Policy and Action Knowledge Hub, emphasizes the importance of linking research and humanitarian efforts inside and outside Myanmar, with filmmaking as a vital tool for sharing stories from conflict-affected ethnic regions. He adds that many people abroad continue to contribute significantly to efforts within Myanmar.Sharon Bell, involved in Myanmar's agricultural development through a resilient horticulture project funded by New Zealand, emphasizes the vital role of grassroots civil society organizations in sustaining progress despite COVID-19 and the coup. She advocates for the international community to support local efforts and recognize the legitimacy of ethnic armed groups as key development and political actors.Tin Maung Htwe, a research fellow at Chiang Mai University’s RCSD, focuses on human rights, migration, and the Rohingya crisis. He notes the complexity of the conflict, and advocates for empathy and dialogue between communities. He also touches upon the impact of Chinese investment on conflict resolution.Kham Mai, a representative from the Shan Women's Action Network (SWAN), emphasizes the organization's efforts to support Shan women through healthcare, education, and leadership training, particularly in conflict zones. She calls for greater women's participation in political decision-making and providing essential services like reproductive health and support for survivors of gender-based violence.

Episode #382: Zack Tu Nan, a queer, ethnic Zaiwa activist and student living in the Netherlands, reflects on his journey through marginalization, faith, identity, and exile. Born in 1994 in—literally—a rice field in Kachin State while his parents fled military violence, Zack grew up in a remote village run by the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), where he enjoyed a rich, traditional Zaiwa upbringing. But entering a Burmese state school in Loi Jai exposed him to Bamar cultural domination—his family name was stripped away, his pronunciation mocked, and even his given name, “Tu Nan,” ridiculed.As a gender-nonconforming child, Zack lacked the language and social space to express his queerness. Raised in a rigidly Christian environment, he internalized the belief that his identity was sinful. Coming out later created tensions within his devout community. Eventually, he sought healing through personal “decolonization”—reclaiming Zaiwa animist practices, oral traditions, and Zaiwa cosmology, which he now hopes to preserve through a documentary film.After passing the national exam, Zack studied dentistry in Mandalay but found the system stifling. He later attended an online U.S. university while teaching Zumba in Yangon. Political activism for IDPs put him at risk, prompting his asylum claim in the Netherlands. Rejected and detained for deportation, COVID disrupted the process; he escaped from the facility and lived undocumented for a year before finally securing asylum.Despite loneliness and backlash, Zack remains committed to cultural survival. “The past is still haunting me here right now in the present,” he says, “but I carry the weight of my family, my kinship, my people and my community.”

Episode #381: Vicky Bowman, the former UK Ambassador to Myanmar and past director of the Myanmar Centre for Responsible Business (MCRB), explains what sanctions are meant to do - prevent harm and promote reform, rather than punish - and how Myanmar’s “opaque information ecosystem” makes this challenging.She recalls that in the early 2000s, compiling sanctions lists was difficult, with EU diplomats sometimes relying on public donation plaques or even the Yellow Pages to identify names of people and companies. While noting that identification and evidence have improved since then, and that stronger coordination now exists among allies in shaping their sanctions policies, she emphasizes the continued importance of due process for those targetted, including to petition for their removal. Concerning the recent delistings that stirred public outrage, she notes that the original reasoning that put three of the delisted subjects on the U.S. list had not been considered equally compelling by the U.K. or E.U.Sanctions, she says, take different forms: there are targetted measures such as arms embargoes and “dual-use” controls on goods with civilian and military uses, as well as measures against individuals like asset freezes and visa bans. There are also more general sanctions and measures impacting the wider economy, such as removal of tariff preferences and suspension of development aid.Bowman also details the possible “spillover” harms of sanctions. At the macro level, sanctions can lead companies to exit, and impact jobs and the wider economy. At the micro level, they can impact jobs in, and services provided by, sanctioned firms. Sanctions on named individuals can also cause collateral damage to completely unrelated individuals due to confusion about Myanmar’s naming culture.Concerning the practice of sanctioning family members of regime figures, especially adult children, and the desire for punishment, rather than prevention, Bowman reflects that it could be considered to resemble the collective punishment practices used by the Nazis, known as Sippenhaft. She questions whether Western democracies should “sink to the same level” or take the “when they go low, we go high” approach of Michelle Obama.Bowman also reflects on the future for responsible business in Myanmar. She notes that the desire for ‘bottom-up federalism’ should avoid fragmenting the laws and institutions needed to drive responsible business practices including well-enforced human rights based laws, transparent procurement processes, functioning courts, and effective anti-corruption bodies.

Episode #380: “I started meditation at a fairly young age,” begins scholar and author, Daniel Stuart. At nineteen, he traveled to India, disillusioned by the world he grew up in and searching for an alternative. What he discovered was vipassanā meditation as taught by S.N. Goenka, and for him it was “a quite revolutionary experience!” For Stuart, meditation was never confined to the cushion. His practice sparked questions about history, authenticity, and cultural context. This curiosity took him through India and Burma, into the study of Pāḷi and Hindi, and ultimately into academia, where he now bridges rigorous research with personal commitment. A “die-hard student” of S.N. Goenka, Stuart nonetheless insists on examining the lineage within its historical complexity, even when this has put him at odds with the community. Over time, Stuart has come to see that many teachings in the Goenka tradition emerged from Buddhism’s historical evolution over time, not in an unbroken line unchanged since the time of the Buddha, as is claimed in the tradition. Yet for him, this does not diminish the value of the teachings; it reveals how Buddhist traditions adapt and remain meaningful. He contrasts this with what is called the “Protestant” view of authenticity by many Western meditators who equate purity and authenticity only with the original texts. Instead, Stuart sees Goenka’s teaching as a pragmatic response to the cultural worlds and contexts he navigated. He says that embracing this complexity has only deepened his faith and his practice. “We live in this space in between,” Stuart says, “like ancient tradition and modernity… and that’s where the whole game is.”

Episode #379: “It’s a different migration story,” reflects Amy Hardingson, speaking about her enduring connection to her Burmese heritage, a thread stretching across generations. Her great-grandmother, Hilda, embodied this love, embarking on the perilous Great Trek during World War II to India in 1941. A member of the Eurasian community in Burma, Hilda fled with her three-year-old daughter and seven-month-old son (Amy's grandfather). After losing her husband to malaria during the arduous journey, Hilda and her children were interned by the Japanese in a concentration camp for over a year. Their survival ultimately led them from war-ravaged Burma to the UK in 1947, initiating their family's diaspora story.Growing up mixed-race in the UK, Amy wrestled with a complex identity, often feeling her lived experience didn't conform to societal expectations. She faced intrusive questions and battled “mixed-race imposter-syndrome and anxiety.” Through researching Hilda's family tree, Amy unearthed a mixed heritage stretching back to the beginnings of British colonialism, a revelation that was incredibly healing and reshaped her self-understanding.Amy actively cultivates this rich connection for her daughter, Lucy, through cultural immersion like cooking authentic Burmese food and reading engaging bilingual books. Lucy, at nine, has also enthusiastically embraced this legacy by undertaking a “charity badge” for Girl Guides, choosing to fundraise for Better Burma following the coup. She raised £170, directly aiding 160 different families. This act gifted Lucy a powerful “sense of agency and direct living connection to her Burmese heritage,” says Amy, demonstrating “how every little bit of money helps.”Amy understands that embracing one's heritage, despite external pressures and historical erasures, is important. For her, “untangling that internalized racism is really important to help you to actually forge that sense of self and identity in a healthy and holistic way.” She believes this journey, like a delicate thread, can be repaired, strengthened, and woven into something new, showcasing an evolving identity across time.

Episode #378: Simon Billenness, director of Campaign for a New Myanmar, draws on thirty years of advocacy to explain the mechanics and challenges of U.S. policy toward Myanmar. He begins by discussing the recent removal of sanctions on junta-linked individuals, which he believes reflects corporate lobbying rather than signaling a coherent strategy or change in overall policy. In fact, he says, that action contrasts sharply with Congressional progress on three Myanmar-related bills that punish the junta: the Brave Burma Act (targeting junta-linked financial entities), the No New Funds for Burma Act (blocking World Bank disbursements), and the GAP Act (expanding atrocity accountability and refugee aid).He characterizes this dissonance as just another manifestation of the unpredictable, “whipsaw” nature of current U.S. foreign policy. But despite this volatility, Billenness stresses that Congressional action and grassroots pressure are still the main forces influencing U.S. policy. His organization coordinates both grassroots outreach—mobilizing 19,000 U.S. supporters—and direct lobbying in Washington to push for action. He cites past success in pressuring the Clinton administration to ban new U.S. investments in Myanmar and argues that such efforts show “they don’t act on Burma unless there’s pressure from Congress.”Billenness also warns of new challenges, such as the administration refusing to spend appropriated funds, and declining refugee resettlement. Still, he insists that advocacy works, pointing to past wins and urging Americans to act. “What we do matters,” he concludes. “It has been proven to change things for the better.”

Episode #377: “Myanmar is a source of inspiration everywhere! This is me speaking directly to friends in Myanmar, that they should understand that they are the source of inspiration, and the source of ideas and reflections, to a level that they don't recognize, because there are a lot of reflections going on in the corners of Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, that are not there on media.” Tee is a Vietnamese activist devoted to regional peacebuilding, and is particularly connected to Myanmar. His solidarity is deeply personal, not about grand gestures but about sharing in the struggles of his friends. As he says, “I am from Vietnam... but I think my identity is much more connected to being a Southeast Asian.”  Tee draws parallels between Myanmar's struggle for democracy and Vietnam’s history of resistance. Looking at the present situation, he notes how Myanmar's revolutionary forces are not just resisting military rule; they are building a future with fair power-sharing and inclusion of ethnic minorities—ideas that resonate deeply with activist communities across Southeast Asia. Tee critiques Vietnam's role in Myanmar’s crisis, particularly through the country’s      telecom giant, Viettel. This company maintains close and supportive relations with the Myanmar military through its Burmese subsidiary, Mytel, thereby undermining the democratic movement and complicating life for the Burmese people.  Tee also addresses migration issues across the Mekong region, in particular, the recent lack of empathetic response in countries like Thailand. He bemoans the erosion of any collective memory regarding the regional solidarity Southeast Asian countries once felt during the colonial and post-colonial eras. Despite these challenges, Tee remains hopeful. He emphasizes that Myanmar's struggle inspires people across the region, even if that impact is not always visible. “Solidarity right now is a big word and it has become a buzzword. But go down to the essence of solidarity, and it's really just about being there. The solidarity that I have with my friends is simply that they were the friends I met after the coup in Myanmar.”

Episode #376: “I think it’s a big win. And also people may not like to hear this, it’s actually a win for sanctions,” says Erich Ferrari, founder of Ferrari & Associates and a leading U.S. sanctions attorney. In this episode, he explains the legal and procedural framework behind the U.S. Specially Designated Nationals (SDN) list and responds to criticism over his firm’s role in recent delistings of Myanmar-linked clients. Ferrari entered sanctions law after 9/11, troubled by the lack of due process in early terrorism-related designations towards Muslim charities. His firm now handles compliance, licensing, and delisting cases, which often take years to be resolved. The SDN list includes individuals, entities, and assets sanctioned under U.S. laws or executive orders for conduct or status deemed harmful to U.S. interests, but not necessarily for any illegal acts. OFAC, within the Treasury Department, manages the list, but designations involve interagency input from bodies such as the State Department, DOJ, and CIA. Removal requires proving mistaken designation, changed circumstances, or remediation. Ferrari says arguing OFAC was wrong rarely works; the focus must be on addressing its concerns. Even after delisting, reputational and financial restrictions often persist for years. The recent delisting of four Myanmar-linked parties, including Ferrari’s clients, angered Burmese communities and rights advocates. Ferrari stresses that delistings signal sanctions’ effectiveness, not weakness, and are decided by the U.S. government, not lawyers. He distinguishes legal representation from prohibited lobbying and accepts only clients committed to change and truthfulness. He closes by urging those at risk to treat allegations seriously and act preemptively to avoid designation.

Episode #375: “Don’t fall for the junta's attempt to try to propagandize!” says Derek Mitchell, former U.S. ambassador to Myanmar. In this interview, he assesses U.S. strategy under the Trump administration, focusing on recent sanctions “de-listings” that have raised concern. Regarding the de-listings, Mitchell believes that the they were a bureaucratic decision, not a strategic one. “It could be the left hand didn't know what the right hand was doing,” he says, pointing to the hollowed-out National Security Council and lack of interagency coordination. Ultimately, he sees no change in the overall U.S. sanctions policy towards the junta. Another key issue involves Myanmar’s important rare earth deposits, which have caught the White House’s attention. Mitchell doubts this will translate into meaningful policy change, however, stressing that the deposits lie in conflict zones largely outside junta control and that only China has the capacity to process them. He argues that working through the junta is “a fool’s errand” and instead calls for engagement with ethnic forces and the democratic resistance. The junta is trying to spin the de-listings and some recent symbolic gestures into a narrative of growing international legitimacy and a change in US-Myanmar relations. The resistance rejects this, pointing to continued sanctions, congressional backing, and senior U.S. officials condemning the junta’s planned elections as a sham. Mitchell sides with the resistance, calling the junta’s spin mere propaganda from a losing side. Mitchell warns against viewing Myanmar solely through a U.S.-China lens, which “reduces the country to a pawn,” and urges sustained, careful engagement—including the appointment of a special envoy. “If we can do something in their interest to bring dignity to the people of this country,” he concludes, “that will automatically serve the strategic interests of the United States over time.”

Episode #374: “Miraculously, amazingly, the mission has continued up until now in 2025.” These words from Dr. Zaw Moe Aung, Executive Director of The Leprosy Mission Myanmar (TLMM), encapsulates the resilience of an organization founded in 1898. While still focused on leprosy, TLMM has expanded its work to extend support to all people with disabilities in the country, including the growing number of survivors injured by the scourge of landmines and explosive remnant of war. With the backing of international partners, TLMM has been providing prosthetics to landmine survivors, training physiotherapists, and operating mobile workshops in remote areas. Beyond physical aid, their holistic approach includes psychosocial support and peer interaction, empowering survivors who often prove to be each other’s most effective allies. Despite diminishing international attention on leprosy, TLMM, a locally led and staffed organization, remains steadfast in its original mission. Leprosy, or Hansen’s Disease, carries a deep historical burden of stigma that persists in impoverished modern-day Myanmar. Before 2020, 2,000-3,000 new cases were identified annually. However, the combined impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, the 2021 military coup and subsequent conflict drastically reduced diagnoses, reflecting the challenges faced throughout the disability movement and chronic lack of reliable data to inform policy and action. The last five years, particularly since the 2021 coup and the March 2025 earthquake, have brought unprecedented challenges. Yet, Dr. Zaw Moe Aung maintains hope, viewing these disasters as paradoxical opportunities for transformation. Championing landmine and leprosy survivor agency amidst revolution, he says, “Let’s pray together that Myanmar can be transformed, can stop fighting and stop inflicting and conflicting with each other.”

Episode #373: In this wide-ranging interview, journalist Lorcan Lovett returns to the podcast to discuss Aung San Suu Kyi’s imprisonment, the fractured resistance, and Myanmar’s trajectory under military rule. He recounts his investigative work authenticating leaked prison logs from early 2024 that reveal Suu Kyi’s declining health, sparse diet, and isolation. Obtained from a group called People's Embrace—which connects with junta insiders—the logs were cross-verified with a neutral source in Myanmar and Suu Kyi’s son, Kim Aris. Lovett believes Suu Kyi, though held incommunicado, likely understands the scale of the civil conflict, reading between the lines of junta-run newspapers, and by other means. He speculates that her silence may be deliberate resistance, “She will not tell people to put their guns down.” Lovett explores Suu Kyi’s controversial legacy, particularly her defense of the military during the Rohingya genocide hearings at The Hague, noting how this has complicated her status as a democratic icon. Meanwhile, the broader resistance movement suffers from disunity. The NUG has failed to provide coherent leadership or military coordination, and internal disputes—such as infighting among Chin factions—have weakened momentum. Lovett warns that the junta’s upcoming election could be “one of the bloodiest... in modern history,” with bombings and assassinations likely, particularly in military-held areas. Though he doubts its legitimacy, he notes the vote may serve internal power dynamics—providing a way to ease Min Aung Hlaing out of military command while elevating him to a largely symbolic presidency. Lovett also observes that Myanmar’s hoped-for federal democracy may instead give way to a fragmented confederal model shaped by ethnic autonomy and local control. Lovett ends on a personal note: “I love Myanmar so much... I know I’ll go back there one day.”

Episode #372: “I focus on research that's mostly relevant for climate resilience, and I really look at Myanmar as the most interesting and important case.” Kyungmee Kim, a researcher at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, explores the intersection of climate justice, extractive industries, and conflict in Myanmar. Her early work focused on community resistance to hydropower dams in ethnic minority regions like Karen and Chin States—areas rich in resources but historically subject to marginalization and violence. She uses the Myitsone Dam as a case study: secretly negotiated by the junta and China Power Investment, it was exposed by accident, sparking a grassroots campaign that grew into a national movement. Kim draws connections between this environmental resistance and the current pro-democracy revolution, arguing that climate justice and political liberation are deeply intertwined. Despite Myanmar’s low carbon footprint, it suffers disproportionately from climate change, while its military junta profits from oil and gas exports. Rare earth mining, too, harms communities through toxic runoff and unregulated exploitation, benefiting armed groups and perpetuating a conflict economy. Yet Kim highlights resilient grassroots actors who maintain renewable energy projects and conservation initiatives. She calls for international support—bypassing the junta—and stresses the need to scale up decentralized aid. Reflecting on Myanmar’s halted progress since the 2021 coup, she contrasts bottom-up environmental care with top-down corruption and extraction. Drawing from South Korea’s past, she calls for a development path that prioritizes justice, sustainability, and solidarity. As she concludes, “Unless we also consider the climate and the environment...we also cannot expect better future for Myanmar and also the future population, the future generations.”