Insight Myanmar

Episode #286: “Some people during the so-called transition, people in Yangon, were like, 'The military is changing!' Like, no, they're not; they're changing the way they talk to you, to elites, but they're not changing on the ground. And if you spent as much time speaking to survivors of military violence, you'll notice that they torture and kill basically for sport. There's no logic behind it, other than, ‘We can get away with this.’”David Mathieson, a longtime advocate, activist, and scholar focused on human rights in Myanmar, addresses the military's entrenched behavior and the country's complex socio-political landscape. He discusses the regime’s arrogance, sense of entitlement, and institutional cruelty, which he describes as a “culture of recreational sadism.” He emphasizes that while the generals attempted to appear reformist to elites in previous years, its actions on the ground have always remained brutal and unchanged. Mathieson delves into Myanmar’s cycles of oppression, resistance, and the military’s failure to innovate in governance or counterinsurgency. He cites the 2017 Rohingya crisis as an example of brutal tactics leading to increased international condemnation and isolation. He also critiques oversimplified international narratives, urging the importance of local perspectives and understanding the complexities of both the military and ethnic armed groups like the Karen National Union and Arakan Army. Mathieson highlights the failure of peace processes such as the 2015 Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement, attributing it to the military's refusal to engage meaningfully with ethnic minorities, and with the added the complicity of international supporters who endorsed the agreement, thereby legitimizing a flawed peace process.Ultimately, Mathieson paints Myanmar as a country trapped under an irrational military enforcing fear while insisting on its own necessity. He concludes with a stark view of the military's strategy: a deliberate use of overwhelming violence to enforce submission, reflecting a “deplorable, disgusting” policy that has persisted for decades.

Episode #285: “We can't live under the mercy of Rakhine or the Burmese. Would you give your personal guarantee that the atrocities that have been committed over the decades, and centuries, for that matter, will not happen again?”As a Rohingya, Sujauddin Karimuddin has, from a young age, witnessed the systemic and growing discrimination, violence, and displacement inflicted upon his community.As violence escalated, he fled Myanmar, becoming part of the growing Rohingya diaspora. Then came the terrible anti-Rohingya violence of 2012 and 2017, which culminated in entire villages being burned, families torn apart, many deaths and mass displacement.Sujauddin’s journey as a refugee brought him into contact with international human rights organizations, and he quickly emerged as a vocal advocate for the Rohingya cause. He dedicated himself to raising global awareness about the genocide and the conditions faced by the Rohingya in both Myanmar and refugee camps.Through his advocacy, Sujauddin highlighted the importance of documenting the atrocities, ensuring that the voices of the Rohingya were heard on the world stage. He has worked tirelessly to connect with policymakers, activists, and humanitarian organizations, pushing for justice, recognition, and the eventual repatriation of his people with full rights and dignity. Skeptical of NUG’s overtures, to Sujauddin believes that the Rohingya’s safety can only be guaranteed through a fully independent state.“This is the right moment to side with the Rohingya people, because these people have been left neglected for centuries. It's well overdue time for them to have a place where they can they can live safely and call home. And that is of course Rakhine, where they are relocated from!”

Episode #284: Aye Chan Naing is a pioneering journalist and activist dedicated to independent media in Myanmar. He co-founded the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) in the years following the military's violent crackdown during the 1988 student-led uprising. He was drawn to activism after witnessing the brutality of the regime. After fleeing to the Thai-Burma border, he joined the All Burma Students' Democratic Front but soon found his passion in journalism, inspired by figures like Swedish journalist, Bertil Lintner.In 1992, he launched DVB as a shortwave broadcaster based in Norway with support from the government there. He aimed to provide a voice for the pro-democracy movement and challenge the military’s grip on information. DVB became a vital link for the Burmese people, offering an independent perspective at a time when the government tightly controlled the media. The organization expanded from radio to multimedia, amplifying voices that were otherwise silenced.In 2012, DVB returned to Myanmar following political reforms, but Aye Chan Naing faced obstacles under Aung San Suu Kyi's administration, which limited media access and failed to foster an open environment. The situation worsened after the 2021 military coup, forcing DVB back into exile. Despite severe challenges, DVB continues to operate using underground reporters inside Myanmar.“When you have a microphone, you can say whatever you want, right? But if we're doing exactly the same as the Burmese military, we are no different," he says. "The more we studied, the more we learned about journalism. And it has to be about the people.”

Episode #283: Friedgard Lottermoser, who passed away in August 2024 at 82, lived an extraordinary life. Her story, comparable to Heinrich Harrer’s in “Seven Years in Tibet,” has never been fully told—until now. Born in Nazi Germany, she grew up in the difficult post-war, reconstruction years. In 1959, when she was 17, her stepfather moved the family to Rangoon, Burma, for his new job.Friedegard knew nothing about meditation, though she was interested in spirituality, and she attended her first meditation course with Sayagyi U Ba Khin almost by happenstance. Following ten days of practice, U Ba Khin encouraged her to stay longer for additional instruction, leading to a brief but profound meditative experience that shaped her journey—she reached the “third stage” of Vipassana, bhanga, where she felt sensations pass rapidly through her body, her first embodied understanding of impermanence.Friedgard explains how U Ba Khin guided meditators to experience the unconditioned state. She explains how U Ba Khin advised Goenka to not to teach this practice, as the environment in India wasn’t suitable for this deeper practice, and Goenka's role was to teach larger numbers of students at beginning levels, while U Ba Khin’s was to take a small number of students to more advanced stages. Friedgard highlights other differences between the two approaches, such as Goenka's requirement of "full surrender" from his students—something she would never have accepted at IMC.Friedgard admits that U Ba Khin’s initial hope in teaching her was to encourage her stepfather, a close friend of his, to join a meditation course. When it became clear this would not happen, U Ba Khin's interest waned, and he even suggested Friedgard quit meditation, believing her family environment and military surroundings weren’t conducive to progress: her response to leave home and move into Thiri Hall at the University of Rangoon! She was still living there in 1962 when General Ne Win staged a military coup, which drastically altered life in Burma. Although almost all foreigners—including her family—had to leave the country, Friedgard was able to stay in Burma thanks to a government scholarship to study Pali. Through twists of fate, Friedgard managed to do what almost no other foreigner at that time could: to remain in the increasingly closed country for nine more years, deeply immersed in meditation, education, and Burmese life.

Episode #282: Brian Hioe has been a life-long activist. He participated in Occupy Wall Street, Japan’s anti-nuclear protests, and the Sunflower Movement, which protested Taiwan’s growing economic ties with China. His experience during these movements culminated in founding New Bloom Magazine, which aimed to provide a bilingual platform focused on Taiwan’s social and political issues from the perspective of Taiwan’s youth.Brian discusses the historic and geopolitical ties between Taiwan and Myanmar, dating back to the Chinese Civil War, when many Kuomintang (KMT) fighters retreated to northern Burma before some eventually relocated to Taiwan. He grew up in the vibrant “Little Burma” neighborhood in Taiwan, which became a focal point for Myanmar-related activism following the coup.Brian elaborates on his involvement with the Milk Tea Alliance (MTA), highlighting its evolution from online activism involving Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Thailand to a broader, transnational movement. Myanmar’s inclusion reflects its shared struggle against authoritarianism, although its conditions—being in a state of prolonged conflict with limited internet access—make it a unique member.He emphasizes that the decentralized nature of the MTA is a strategic adaptation to authoritarian states that target centralized leaders. Brian concludes by underlining the importance of maintaining solidarity networks despite challenges like reduced online traction, advocating for sustained efforts to amplify Myanmar voices amid ongoing repression.“Myanmar joining the Milk Tea Alliance reflects the permeability of this framework, that basically, when there's a struggle, you can also be part of the Milk Tea Alliance. It's not exclusionary, but it is the one in which there was not just peaceful protests or student movements in forms of civil disobedience, but one that's spilled over into a civil war, and I think that is the difference. So the protest tactics that work in the other places, for example, will not work in Myanmar, because it is more oppressive.”

Episode #281: Born into conflict, Lartar grew up as the daughter of a Karen National Union (KNU) commander in the remote jungles of Myanmar. From the tender age of three, her life was almost a never-ending flight from the Burmese military's grasp. At seven, she was sent to a school in KNU-held territory, taught by part-time soldier-teachers who rotated between the classroom and the front lines. The harsh conditions eventually forced her return home, only to again face military raids that shattered any semblance of safety.Constantly on the move, Lartar's family abandoned their crops and belongings, fleeing from village to village. At 14, she attempted to find refuge in Thailand but was pushed back by authorities, leading to separation from her family and months of hiding in the jungle. But to Lartar, the jungle was a sanctuary, not a wilderness. Armed with just a knife, she thrived, hunting, foraging, and crafting necessities from the land. The spirits of the jungle, honored through ancestral traditions, provided her with emotional solace and a sense of protection. She survived alone until an almost miraculous reunion with her family in a refugee camp. Determined to break free from the cycle of displacement, she relentlessly pursued an education, even defying her mother's wishes; at 16, she ran away to complete an English program, and secured an internship with the Karen History and Culture Preservation Society. Fluent in five languages, she became an invaluable asset.Facing the challenge of lacking official documentation, Lartar bravely returned to Myanmar to obtain an ID. Disguising herself as an uneducated farmer to avoid military suspicion, she eventually secured it with the help of an old teacher.Her life journey had exposed her to the systemic oppression her people faced, fueling a deep-seated anger towards the regime, which turned toxic. Recognizing her imbalance, she sought peace within herself, retreating once more to the jungle for reflection. Emerging with a renewed vision, Lartar now advocates for unity and federalism in Myanmar. “History is history. We don't need to follow this history. And we create a better history in our life for young people.”

Episode #280: Matthew Schojan started abusing drugs at the tender age of 11, in response to some very challenging family dysfunction. One could then scarcely expect that he would later develop into a serious meditation and yoga practitioner one day. In an interview recorded before the pandemic and the military coup, Matthew goes into detail about his spiritual journey, and how it ultimately led him to Myanmar.He eventually got his life on track when he was 20, and made the commitment to become sober while living in New York. It was a terrifying experience, as he was beset by anxiety and other emotions that the intoxicants had long suppressed. He eventually took up yoga, later finding refuge at the local Zen center in Brooklyn. Then September 11th happened, which recreated the anxiety and fear, and amid all the destruction, he was initially unable to reach out to friends or family for support. Matthew gave in and had a cigarette, his first in three years.That cigarette evolved into a relapse of hard partying and drug use, which he soon found troubling and empty. This time, however, he found more stable salvation in the form of Dharma Punx, led by Noah Levine, and its more mindful community; it was there that he eventually met the woman who would become his wife.From there, he decided to take a full spiritual plunge. Matthew studied under Ajahn Tong Sirimangalo, Sayadaw U Tejaniya, Jack Kornfield, Martine Batchelor, and S.N. Goenka among others, studying Zen, Theravada, Mahayana, and Vajrayana. “There was definitely a lot to learn,” he says. “Each time you go down one path, other things open up, and you start to learn more…” To Matthew, the key point is that different teachings have clear, practical applications.Matthew’s journey to the Golden Land took shape over many years. He and his wife eventually arrived there after eight years living and working in Thailand.  When they finally moved to Myanmar, Matthew was surprised at the many differences between the two countries and their Buddhist culture and practice, in spite of their geographic proximity.Matthew closes by discussing the connection between mental health and meditation.Ironically, Matthew’s comments are even more relevant today than in 2020 when the talk was recorded. At that time, Matthew noted the challenges for mental health sector in wider Myanmar, referencing government data that 95% of people needing treatment couldn’t find any support. Yet now, so many Burmese are facing traumatic circumstances with the fallout from the military coup that mental health issues are being discussed openly in Myanmar more than ever before.

Episode #279: “Having internet or having information is life and death in those areas If you have internet you can at least know if the airplanes are coming, if the battles are becoming intensive in the areas that you live. But without that you don't know anything! You cannot run away from air strike, you cannot run away if the airplane is over your head; there’s very little chance that you survive.” Bradley delves deeply into the complexities of internet usage and surveillance in Myanmar. He begins by sharing a historical overview, noting the internet’s relatively recent arrival in Myanmar compared to other countries. He discusses the exorbitant costs of SIM cards before the 2012 telecom revolution when mobile internet became widely available, transforming life in the country. This sudden access to the digital world, as Bradley explains, shook Burmese society, creating both opportunities and risks.The conversation explores the regime's efforts to control and restrict internet access, especially after the 2021 coup, highlighting the frequent use of internet shutdowns as a tool of oppression. As Bradley notes, these shutdowns represent the cyber evolution of the military’s notorious “four-cuts” strategy, where cutting off communication to and from “the enemy” is standard practice. However, the military's definition of “enemy” extends far beyond armed resistance groups to include civilians who are sympathetic to the opposition or hostile to dictatorial rule. The Rakhine State internet shutdown, which became one of the longest in the world, is cited as an example of the junta's strategy to suppress ethnic communities and protests. Bradley points out how these shutdowns, combined with surveillance, create severe isolation for affected communities, exacerbating social, economic, and educational divides.Bradley also touches on the resilience of the Burmese people, particularly youth activists, who have leveraged technology for resistance. Despite the challenges, these young people—digital natives—have used platforms like Signal for secure communication and coordination. Creative campaigns, such as PDF games and donation initiatives, illustrate how the resistance adapts in innovative ways. However, the regime's growing sophistication in digital repression, with support from foreign powers like Russia, continues to pose significant threats. This ongoing battle between oppression and resistance defines Myanmar's current digital landscape, a struggle that will influence the country’s future.

Episode #278: The 4th International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies (ICBMS) took place in August 2024, hosted by Chiang Mai University's RCSD. The event gathered scholars, activists, and experts to discuss Myanmar's political, social, and economic challenges, including conflicts, peace processes, human rights, and the 2021 coup's effects. With an estimated 800 attendees, it was one of the largest events of its kind on record.Insight Myanmar Podcast was granted exclusive access to record brief interviews with a variety of guests. These short clips cover many diverse topics, in contrast to our usual longform interviews with a single guest. This is part two of our four-part series, and features the following:Saijai, originally from Thailand, is a leading figure in documenting human rights abuses through open-source technology. She co-founded Myanmar Witness after the 2021 coup, focusing on monitoring online harassment, particularly against women activists and journalists, and providing technical, mental health, and documentation support to combat gendered online bullying.“Arabella," who uses a pseudonym for safety reasons, is an expert in digital security. She stresses the critical need for this in Myanmar, warning against the dangers posed by the military's advanced surveillance capabilities. She advocates for secure VPNs and cloud storage to protect sensitive information, while expressing deep admiration for the resilience and strength of the Burmese people.Ada, a medical doctor, shifted her focus to mental health support after the coup. She emphasizes the emotional toll of the conflict on Burmese society, particularly noting how men often struggle to express their emotions compared to women, and believes that personal emotional awareness is key to healing and supporting others.Joe Anderson, a 24-year-old from London, became deeply involved in Myanmar activism after the 2021 coup. He draws on his studies at Southeast Asian Studies (SOAS) and his work with diaspora groups, emphasizing an awareness of his positionality and privilege as a foreigner in the activism space.

Episode #277: Sean Turnell, an author, economic advisor, and former political prisoner, graced a podcast for the third time to share his insights on Myanmar's deteriorating financial situation. The military's relentless pursuit of hard currency has resulted in rampant resource exploitation, serving either the generals' personal wealth or the purchase of more arms (along with lining their cronies’ pockets) despite international sanctions aiming to curb their financial avenues.Turnell describes the junta's economic policy as practically non-existent, with no strategy for education, health, or foreign investment. A soaring inflation rate, a significant increase in military spending, and a decrease in health and education spending exacerbate the crisis for the Burmese people. In addition, the regime's unusual encouragement of private sector debt default shakes the very foundations of the country’s capitalist system. Turnell notes that the junta's focus seems to be on the daily scramble for foreign exchange, a shortsighted approach with no vision for the future.As for the NUG and other resistance groups, innovative financial strategies have been employed, from international war bonds to virtual banking. However, the challenge remains in navigating the funds safely without falling prey to the military or violating anti-money laundering laws. The use of cryptocurrency has emerged as a notable, albeit experimental, solution to these challenges.Despite the current turmoil, Turnell holds a hopeful view that a democratically elected government could restore the economy to its pre-coup state within a year. He praises the expertise of young Burmese policymakers around the globe, whose knowledge and skills are pivotal to Myanmar's economic recovery. Turnell's confidence in Myanmar's potential rebound hinges on the belief that these competent individuals will lead the way once the military's grip is finally loosened.

The stakes for Myanmar are very high in the upcoming US election. Given the two candidates’ different perspectives on international involvement, the transition to a new US administration will directly affect the way the country helps shape global responses to authoritarianism and human rights abuses. This is particularly true in Myanmar. The panel discussion focuses on how U.S. leadership might engage with Myanmar’s struggle for freedom and democracy in the post-election period.Panelists include:Scot Marciel, a seasoned U.S. diplomat, was the U.S. ambassador to Myanmar from 2016 to 2020. He now works with Stanford University and Asia-based initiatives, focusing on regional diplomacy and policy.Michael Haack has spent years advocating for stronger U.S. policy towards Myanmar, which includes leading the effort to pass the Burma Act, and secure funding for aid.Yun Sen is the Director of the China program at the Stimson Center, and an expert on China-Myanmar relations. She has closely monitored the geopolitical dynamics between China and Myanmar since 2008, focusing on border security and China's influence in Myanmar. Jack Myint is a non-resident fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). He has worked extensively on economic affairs, navigating the complexities of Myanmar's business landscape and international engagement, especially post-coup.First, the panel delves into the likelihood of the military orchestrating a sham election, with guests suggesting that a Harris administration would likely approach it with skepticism. In contrast, they believe that a Trump administration could take a more unpredictable stance, adding that he also has a history of shaping policy through transactional deals.They also explored Russia's growing influence in Myanmar, noting that while Russia's involvement is opportunistic, U.S. policy remains more focused on countering China's influence; a Harris administration would be likely to continue supporting Myanmar’s democratic movements, whereas a Trump administration may deprioritize the issue. Finally, the panelists discussed the potential consequences of the Myanmar military being decisively defeated by resistance forces. They feel this could open the door for the U.S. to take a leading role in coordinating humanitarian relief and supporting democratic governance. However, concerns were raised about internal conflicts among ethnic groups, which could complicate the post-military landscape and make U.S. engagement more challenging, depending on how power is distributed and the stability of the new leadership.

Episode #275: Nyein Chan May's story is one of unyielding resilience and fierce commitment to justice in the face of overwhelming adversity. Born and raised in Myanmar, she grew up in a society steeped in patriarchal norms and military oppression. But Nyein Chan May refused to be confined by these outdated ideologies. She left Myanmar just before the coup to study political science and intersectional feminism in Germany, driven by a vision to dismantle the structures that sought to silence her and countless others.In the revolution that erupted after the military coup, Nyein Chan May recognized that the fight was not just against the junta but also against a deep-seated, patriarchal society, and sexist beliefs even within the resistance. She spoke out, unwavering, about the dual revolution that women in Myanmar must wage—against both the military dictatorship and the patriarchy that has oppressed them for centuries.As the Longyi Revolution unfolded, Nyein Chan May saw more than a protest against oppression; she saw a movement that could redefine what it meant to be a woman in Myanmar. She knew that true revolution would require dismantling not only the junta but also the deep-seated misogyny embedded in her society. Speaking truth to power, she connected with women on the frontlines, who were not just fighting for their country’s freedom but for their right to be seen, heard, and valued.“Women's rights and the rights of marginalized groups are not to be considered separately from the revolution!” she says. “If we understand the broader definition of the word, ‘revolution,’ it is not only about fighting against the military junta; it is about building a new society, about defending ourselves against these discriminatory ideologies. If you define yourself as an actor in the revolution, then stop thinking separately about women's rights and the rights of marginalized groups from the whole context of the revolution.”

Episode #274: Kyaw San Han, a former police captain turned dissident, offers a stark narrative of courage amid systemic oppression. Fleeing Myanmar with his family, he now lives in Japan, where he continues to advocate for democracy and resistance against the military junta. His journey began in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis, a natural disaster that exposed the military's indifference to civilian suffering. Motivated by a desire to help, he joined the police force, only to encounter a regime intent on perpetuating fear and corruption. The police training he underwent was akin to prison, filled with physical abuse and brainwashing, designed to mold officers into instruments of oppression. Despite these challenges, Kyaw San Han remained steadfast in his commitment to justice. His pivotal role in aiding the Australian economic adviser, Professor Sean Turnell, underscores this dedication. Facing threats from superiors and navigating a treacherous escape to Thailand and then Japan, his story is a testament to resilience. In Japan, Kyaw San Han now collaborates with the National Unity Government, tirelessly advocating for international support against the junta. His narrative illuminates the profound courage required to stand against tyranny and the unyielding hope for a democratic future in Myanmar. “I would like all of you understand the brutality of the Myanmar junta and Min Aung Hlaing,” he says. “He is using his last strategy to make civilians fight each other! So, please, share my voice and my message to your friends and your family and everyone you know. If there is no dictator Min Aung Hlaing and his brutal regime, Myanmar will be a beautiful a peaceful country as we used to be in the past. Now the people of Myanmar are suffering a lot from the dictator Min Aung Hlaing. But the people of Myanmar, actually, we are kind and we are very friendly. So, now we need help from all of us from all of you.”

Episode #273: The 4th International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies (ICBMS), hosted by Chiang Mai University in August 2024, brought together over 800 scholars, activists, and experts to discuss Myanmar's political, social, and economic challenges, including the impact of the 2021 coup. Insight Myanmar Podcast was given exclusive access to cover the event, where we recorded brief interviews with a number of guests and covering a wide range of diverse topics. These interviews are being presented in a special, four-part series, of which this episode is the first. Guests include: Aung Zaw, founder and editor of The Irrawaddy. He has dedicated his career to independent journalism since the 1988 uprising, facing significant threats and intimidation from the Burmese regime, while remaining committed to democracy, press freedom, and exposing the truth about Myanmar's situation. Dr. Mar Mar Gyi, a Burmese anthropologist and filmmaker. She focuses on gender issues and the overlooked roles of women in Myanmar's history, emphasizing that feminist movements have deep local roots, and that Burmese women historically enjoyed significant rights that have been eroded by colonialism, nationalism, and militarism. Katie Julian, an education expert deeply involved in Myanmar's higher education system. She focuses on developing curriculum and training programs in non-state and ethnic-run sectors, emphasizing locally relevant materials and skills-based learning; she remains hopeful post-coup due to the resilience of Burmese educators and the emergence of informal education structures in IDP camps. Amy, a law graduate and activist. She has spent three years working on gender-based violence and child abuse cases, collaborating with NGOs to support human rights defenders and is now building networks in Thailand and Myanmar to provide legal aid and raise awareness about human rights issues in post-coup Burma. Sitthu, a law student and member of the Civil Disobedience Movement. He focuses on human rights research and believes in using law as a tool to address ethnic divides and expose Myanmar's human rights violations to both regional and global audiences, advocating for inclusive and just legal frameworks in the face of military oppression.

Episode #272: “I didn't want to be in a world where we have to keep watching people struggling for freedom and then getting suppressed and getting their dreams crushed. [In Burma,] it was mostly women and girls who were participating in the protests, even more than men! I prayed at that time… I'm not religious, but I just wished and prayed for some way to help. And from that point on, after that period of those very emotional few weeks, I felt like a changed person.”Initially a university activist in the US, Michael Sladnick’s focus shifted to Myanmar after the military coup in 2021. Deeply moved by the brutal repression of protests, he committed himself to the cause, learning Burmese and connecting directly with local activists and resistance fighters along the Thai-Burma border. During a recent trip to Karenni State with the Dutch journalist Thomas van Linge, Michael witnessed an unfolding humanitarian crisis, alongside the resilient spirit of the local population. Karenni, a state close to liberation, still faces ongoing airstrikes and artillery attacks. Civilians live in bombed-out villages, struggling with limited food, no electricity, and inadequate medical supplies. Yet, their determination to fight for democracy remains unwavering.Michael emphasizes the critical need for international support. He recently launched a campaign, "Final Step: Karenni to Naypyidaw," to raise awareness and funds for ammunition and humanitarian aid. He highlighted the inspiring collaboration among diverse ethnic groups in Karenni, working together against the military.“I firmly believe that the ‘above-ground revolution’ and public activism is just as important as the PDFs, especially for building international support,” he says in closing. “So we want to use this campaign to build something sustained to support those type of people as well as to support the humanitarian needs of refugees in all other parts of Myanmar. We're hoping that this is just the first step of that.”

Episode #271: During the anti-military protests of 1988, the man known as Monkey was just an observer. A friend asked him, “Are you a man? If you are a man, why do you just sit and look?”However, over the next 9 years, Monkey had the misfortunate of becoming more personally acquainted with the terror of the Tatmadaw, which regularly brought death and destruction to his community in Karenni state. When he reached his breaking point, he joined a Karenni resistance group, but he found that he was still looking for something more.His prayers found an answer in 1997, when he came into contact with David Eubank, the American missionary who founded the Free Burma Rangers (FBR). Monkey took advantage of their tutorials in basic medical aid as well as photojournalism. While their mobile medical clinic provided relief, Monkey conducted interviews and filmed footage to document the Tatmadaw's ongoing atrocities. Monkey eventually became an FBR trainer both in Myanmar and abroad. Although the Christian faith animates much of the work that Monkey and the wider FBR team do, they do not limit their service to Christian communities.Since the coup, Monkey and the FBR team have more than had their hands full in training the many Burmese youths who have flocked to their camps. Monkey is primarily charged with teaching them photojournalism. “We want the world to know what is happening in Burma,” he explains.As bad as the current times are, Monkey sees an opportunity for a degree of unity and solidarity that he has never before witnessed in his country. Still, he has seen too much to naively assume that disparate groups banding together could be enough to stand up against the Burmese military’s cruelty and inhumanity that knows no bounds. This is largely why he is so focused on raising awareness through photojournalism, so that the story of what is really happening in Myanmar gets out.

Episode #270: Adelina Kamal, who makes her second appearance on the podcast, guides listeners through an enlightening journey into the complex and often fraught world of humanitarian aid and crisis management. With nearly three decades of experience within the ASEAN system, Adelina brings to the table a wealth of knowledge about the political and operational nuances of delivering humanitarian aid in regions like Myanmar, where the crisis is as political as it is humanitarian.Her conversation delves into the ethical and operational challenges of working with or around military juntas and the implications for neutrality and independence in humanitarian work. Adelina introduces the concept of ‘humanitarian resistance,’ where local actors, often labeled as non-neutral by international standards, provide critical aid and support within their communities despite the political risks. She argues passionately for a more localized approach to humanitarian aid, emphasizing the importance of supporting these ground-level efforts over top-down international interventions. And she critiques the traditional, West-centric humanitarian system, calling for a more equitable and effective ‘horizontal ecosystem’ that respects and empowers local communities.“To me, the Western governments’ support to the Myanmar people is more of a token, because after all, aid is a political tool,” she says. “At the end of the day, it's about political will."

Episode #269: Jansen Stovicek reflects on the emotional and practical challenges surrounding his decision to disrobe after 16 years as a monk. Initially, the idea of disrobing felt unimaginable, as his identity had been deeply intertwined with monastic life and strictly following the 90 billion-plus rules of the Vinaya. But after disrobing, Jansen encountered difficulty securing a place to stay as a monk, adding stress and uncertainty to his situation. His decision to disrobe was met with mixed acceptance by his community’ of followers. Ultimately, Jansen’s story is one of personal transformation and reflection. His candid insights shed light on the complexities of leaving monastic life and the broader implications it has on identity, social standing, and community relationships. He ends his reflections by expressing deep gratitude for his time in Myanmar. He emphasizes his continued support for the National Unity Government (NUG) and the democratic movement in Myanmar, wishing for the country's swift liberation from the military regime's oppression. “I am absolutely, eternally indebted to, to Myanmar, to Myanmar people, to Myanmar Buddhism, to the great masters of Myanmar. Very, very thankful to them!” Jansen exclaims. “I admit that I believe that the only country in the world where Buddhism is truly thriving, is Myanmar, believe it or not, despite, of course, the political unrest. And I definitely would like to encourage everyone to support the democratic movement, to support the NUG in Myanmar, because [they] support reason and they support freedom, and Buddhism is reason and Buddhism is freedom.” 

Episode #268: In a discussion emblematic of the complexities inherent in international diplomacy, Scot Marciel, former U.S. Ambassador to Myanmar, elucidates the multifaceted challenges of addressing the crisis there. Marcel’s thinking, informed by his extensive diplomatic service, highlights a pervasive hesitancy among international actors to engage decisively with the Myanmar military, largely deemed an untrustworthy entity, yet also to put their eggs in the NUG/resistance basket. Marciel highlights the deep-rooted issues stemming from the military's unyielding grip on power and its demonstrated propensity for reneging on agreements, as evidenced by the 2021 coup. The military’s overthrow of a democratically-elected government starkly illuminates their unwillingness to cede control, thus undermining any prospect of meaningful dialogue or compromise. Marciel also explains what he believes is the ideal role for the international community to play: a supportive yet non-intrusive stance that facilitates dialogue among Myanmar's diverse actors without dictating outcomes, and respecting the country's sovereignty while providing essential resources and expertise. Marciel's reflections on the Rohingya crisis reveals the diplomatic result of that terrible time; namely, an international mistrust of both the military and civilian government, in the latter case, a sense of being let down. Fast forward to 2024, and today, the international community's response, though well-intentioned, often falls short due to limited understanding and engagement, highlighting the need for a more nuanced and sustained approach to diplomacy and support in Myanmar.“I do think the solution is for the military to be forced to relinquish political power, and to me, that means for the international community to put maximum pressure on that military, [doing] nothing to confer legitimacy on it,” Marciel says in closing. “At the same time, of course, you also have to figure out what comes next… but to me, the answer is, rather than to be paralyzed by the risks, what can the international community to do now to help the various various elements of the resistance, the Civil Disobedience Movement, civil society, other political actors, and prepare for some kind of transition process?”

We were honored to join our friends at The Bangkok Podcast to discuss the origins of our platform and how we've navigated the challenges of hosting discussions in the post-coup environment. We are sharing an interview that occurred on their feed earlier in the year.