Korea JoongAng Daily - Daily News from Korea

This article is by Lee Jian and read by an artificial voice. Every indulgence has a price to pay. For alcohol, the most immediate is a hangover. The unavoidable aftermath of liquid courage has led any half-trained drinker to develop their own ritual for recovery - from a greasy, cheese-filled hamburger to a bubbling bowl of coagulated ox blood seonji soup. Some swear by a 24-hour alcohol fast, while others reach for a hair-of-the-dog Bloody Mary first thing in the morning. In Korea - especially among younger drinkers - the routine often includes a small shot or packet of hangover reliever. These products, easily accessible in convenience stores as pills, drinks and jellies, promise a "fresh morning after," free from nausea, headaches, fatigue - and, in some cases, even glowing skin. According to a 2023 survey conducted by Korea Research International, about 45 percent of regular drinkers in Korea use them. Tourists have joined the hype too, buying them in bulk to bring home as souvenirs of Korean drinking culture. Their actual effects have always been in question, despite the popularity. But, starting in November, only products that survived the government's industrywide crackdown will be sold, according to the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety, which has been actively censoring products since January. It is seen as a belated action, especially considering how big the market is. The domestic market for hangover-relief supplements was valued at approximately 350 billion won ($246 million) in 2023, up about 30 percent from 2019, according to the latest data from Nielsen Korea. And even as the drinking population declines, the market for hangover products is projected to grow, reaching as much as 1.7 trillion won by 2032. Scientific experts still warn against them. "They are supplements, not miracle cures," said chemistry professor Jang Hong-je of KwangWoon University. "Hangover relievers don't help people avoid intoxication or drink more, as they're often mistaken for doing. They simply assist in breaking down acetaldehyde, the compound responsible for hangover symptoms." A large part of their appeal, however, isn't just about their effects, which are as impressive as pseudoscience gets. Rather, it is cultural. Many use it as a gesture of care. An enterprising romantic might even slide one across the table to their crush. Hangovers are an unavoidable part of both drinking and Korean culture. The new government regulations may strengthen accountability, but they ultimately speak more to the cultural significance of these products in modern Korea than to their actual effects. The new regulation The Ministry of Food and Drug Safety began tightening oversight of the industry following a 2019 government survey, which found that while 55.7 percent of adults had consumed hangover relievers, 65.2 percent said they did not feel any effect. After a four-year grace period, the ministry in January began requiring companies to submit scientific evidence supporting their product claims backed by third-party human clinical trials that measure blood alcohol and acetaldehyde concentration levels, and participants' surveys assessing before-and-after hangover symptoms of consuming the supplements. The ministry's first report, released in June, deemed 89.9 percent of the then-available hangover reliever products effective - out of 89 products from 46 companies, 80 products from 39 companies passed review. Over 80 operators did not submit their reports at all during the crackdown, according to an exclusive by local outlet Chosun Ilbo in March. When the ministry further probed, they responded that they "discontinued production." After the June report, the ministry requested additional data from companies whose submitted evidence was deemed insufficient in objectivity or validity. By the end of October, any products that still fail to meet these standards will be banned from using or advertising the term "hangover relief," per the ministry. Man...

This article is by Seo Ji-eun and read by an artificial voice. In honor of the Korea JoongAng Daily's 25th anniversary, we present a series of in-depth feature stories tackling the complex challenges Korea faces today. This edition delves into how North Korea's growing AI capabilities pose new threats in cybersecurity and the growing AI arms race. - Ed. A new arms race is underway, not over nuclear warheads, but over AI. As global powers scramble to weaponize AI, North Korea is muscling into the battleground of machine-driven warfare, determined to prove that sanctions won't keep it sidelined. North Korean leader Kim Jong-un called for the rapid development of newly introduced AI technologies during a test of suicide attack drones on Sept. 18. Weeks later, at the opening of the country's "Defense Development 2025" annual arms exhibition, Kim vowed to make AI and unmanned systems a central pillar of North Korea's military modernization - a push he linked to "great-power status." Beyond the battlefield, Pyongyang is also integrating generative AI and deepfake technologies into its cyber operations. Its state-backed hacking groups have used synthetic identities to infiltrate foreign tech companies, and AI-enhanced malware to steal cryptocurrency and defense secrets. Analysts in South Korea and in the United States warn that North Korea's pursuit of AI-powered weapons and cyber capabilities could open a new asymmetric front in the decades-old conflict on the Korean Peninsula. The drone revolution Leader Kim is aggressively pushing to incorporate AI into North Korea's weaponry, especially its drones. "The field of unmanned equipment and artificial intelligence should be top-prioritized and developed in modernizing the armed forces," Kim declared in early 2025. At the test of loitering munitions in September, he emphasized the need for making "primary efforts to rapidly developing the newly-introduced artificial intelligence technology," according to the North's state-run Korean Central News Agency (KCNA). Kim personally oversaw the test of suicide drones modeled on Russia's Lancet and Israel's Harop. For the first time, Pyongyang even released unblurred footage of these drones striking mock-ups of U.S. armored vehicles, which experts read as a bold signal of confidence in their accuracy. The test also revealed a new name: the "Kumsong" series tactical drones. People Power Party Rep. Yu Yong-weon, a member of the parliamentary defense committee, said the drones "likely have rudimentary AI that memorizes and studies target shapes" to carry out precision strikes. Hong Min, a senior analyst at the Korea Institute for National Unification, pointed out the emergence of larger warheads, improved optical guidance systems and a performance upgrade enabling fully autonomous strike capabilities in North Korea's drones since March 2023 as "signs of technological collaboration with Russia." Prof. Lim Eul-chul of Kyungnam University's Institute for Far Eastern Studies noted that the Kumsong line shifts "from imitation to independent sophistication," suggesting North Korea's unmanned arsenal is entering an "AI integration phase." However, some analysts urge caution in accepting North Korea's AI claims at face value. "North Korea has claimed that the drones tested included artificial intelligence, but [...] the degree to which the drones were flown by people as opposed to AI is unclear, though it's quite possible that a mixture of the two was used," said Bruce Bennett, senior defense analyst at RAND Corporation, a U.S. think tank. He also questioned Pyongyang's ability to scale production under international sanctions. "There is the question of how many drones North Korea can afford to produce and produce the required high-tech electronics for them [...] given that such electronics tend to be covered by the sanctions against North Korea," Bennett added. At the opening of the Defense Development 2025 exhibition earlier this month, Kim doubled...

This article is by Lee Soo-jung and read by an artificial voice. UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) Filippo Grandi urged Korea to build an "efficient" asylum system by harnessing advanced technology as a nation that has a unique experience of overcoming mass displacement because of the 1950-53 Korean War. "As former [UN] Secretary General Ban Ki-moon used to say, Koreans know what it means to be a refugee," Grandi said as he sat for an interview with the Korea JoongAng Daily and JoongAng Ilbo in western Seoul on Friday. "It is in the conscience of the country. This is unique to Korea. I hope that young Koreans don't lose that conscience and [continue to] sympathize with refugees today." Grandi was on a five-day trip to Tokyo and Seoul from Oct. 13 to 17. His visit to Seoul - including meetings with Justice Minister Jung Sung-ho and Korean tech companies and religious leaders - marked the fourth and the last of its kind during his tenure. "Each time I come to Korea, I have seen huge improvements in the way asylum-seekers are treated, yet very few are recognized as refugees," the high commissioner said. Calling Korea and Japan "homogeneous" societies, Grandi underscored that his agency is not pressuring the two East Asian countries to accept more refugees unilaterally. What Korea and Japan need is a sound asylum system allowing refugees to become self-reliant and gain better access to social resources and opportunities, he said. Grandi is now seeking partnership opportunities with Korea's private sector to improve the asylum system worldwide. Along with the upcoming pilot launch of an AI software for refugee applicants, developed by Korean IT firm LG CNS, he invited other Korean companies to join the UN's global initiatives for refugees. "Korea is one of the most technologically advanced countries in the world," Grandi said. "I hope that what LG did can be followed by other Korean companies. This is not an exclusive business deal - it's a partnership." Below are excerpts from the interview, edited for length and clarity. Q. You met with the Korean and Japanese justice ministers this time. What was discussed? A. Meetings with Korean and Japanese justice ministers commonly dealt with how UNHCR can support the two nations to have strong systems in terms of receiving refugees. Let me be clear, Japan and Korea don't receive many refugees - while Korea receives more than Japan. The two nations do not have a long tradition of accepting migrants and refugees. They are very homogeneous societies - unlike North America, Europe or Australia. UNHCR is not pushing you to take more refugees, but we encourage an efficient system. I think Korea's average acceptance rate is about 3 percent out of 18,000 asylum-seekers yearly. Screening criteria are very narrow. I think it is possible to widen the criteria. This doesn't mean a flood of refugees - but just a better system. In addition, the expedited screening process will benefit Korea and refugees mutually. Refugees whose statuses are officially recognized can access jobs - no longer a burden to Korea. I have discussed these issues with the [Korean] justice minister, and I found him very open to the discussion. What are Korea's unique characteristics or experiences that could help support refugees? Korea experienced the Korean War. Especially, many of the older generation were once refugees - from the North or combat zones. As former secretary general Ban Ki-moon used to say, Koreans know what it means to be a refugee. It is in the conscience of the country. This is unique to Korea. It is different from Japan and other countries in the region. President Lee's address to the UN General Assembly delivered an important message: Korea was born out of the United Nations after the Korean War. I hope that young Koreans don't lose that conscience and [continue to] sympathize with refugees today. In political spheres, there is an increasing anti-immigration and anti-refugee rhetoric. How shou...

Park Chan-sung The author is a lawyer and a member of the Human Rights Advisory Council, Pohang University of Science and Technology Sixty-eight young Koreans detained in Cambodia, including 64 flown home on a chartered flight, have been repatriated as of Oct. 18. The National Intelligence Service estimates that more than 1,000 more Koreans are being held by criminal syndicates in Cambodia. The recent returns mark only the first step in a long process to secure their safe return. Concerns that Korean citizens were being illegally detained by crime rings in Cambodia had already been raised during a parliamentary audit last year. Yet both the previous and current administrations are being criticized for their slow response. The Foreign Ministry, in particular, reportedly insisted on receiving direct reports from victims themselves, even in cases involving kidnapping and forced confinement. This has raised questions over whether the ministry truly grasped that the situation constitutes an organized human rights violation rooted in international networks of human trafficking and forced labor. Some have questioned whether the Koreans held in Cambodia are victims or criminals. Many of those already repatriated face criminal charges under Korean law, and some were even listed on Interpol's Red Notice database. In effect, many of these young people are both victims of torture, confinement and forced labor and at the same time, offenders under domestic law. Still, the notion that being a suspect justifies illegal detention or torture is difficult to accept. Turning a blind eye to their safety simply because they became entangled in illicit activity endangers the broader community of Koreans living abroad. Their safe return must be viewed separately from the question of guilt. Those who have broken the law should be investigated and punished through due process. But for now, the government's top priority must be ensuring their safety and repatriation. What should the government do next? The challenge lies in the nature of the criminal network involved. Though operating in Cambodia, the syndicates are largely controlled by Chinese groups. The United States and Britain have designated the Chinese-led Prince Group and its chairman, Chen Zhi, as key figures in transnational organized crime for running online scam operations. This underscores the need for Korea to strengthen intelligence-sharing and cooperation with traditional allies to combat such global crime networks. Efforts to secure the cooperation of the Cambodian government are equally vital. It is regrettable that a plan to establish a "Korean Desk" within the Cambodian National Police reportedly fell through. While continued bilateral negotiations through the Foreign Ministry and the National Police Agency remain essential, Seoul should also use multilateral channels - such as the United Nations - to apply indirect diplomatic pressure. Korea has provided roughly 430 billion won ($310 million) in official development assistance (ODA) to Cambodia this year alone. If Phnom Penh continues to show indifference toward the plight of Korean detainees, maintaining that aid level would be difficult to justify. The European Union's suspension of ODA to Burundi over human rights violations offers a relevant precedent. The government must also impose strict penalties on domestic accomplices who lured or recruited Koreans into these criminal networks in coordination with Cambodian syndicates. Japan faced a similar situation when its citizens were trafficked and confined by organized crime groups in Myanmar. The Japanese government not only moved swiftly to coordinate with foreign authorities but also prosecuted the Japanese intermediaries involved. If only a handful of young Koreans had participated in online scams or "romance frauds" in Cambodia, the case could have been dismissed as isolated misconduct. But with more than 1,000 people affected, the scale is unprecedented. Even if many w...

Choi Min-woo The author is the editor of political, international, foreign and security news at the JoongAng Ilbo. Who has the most to lose from the government's Oct. 15 real estate policy? Young Koreans in their 20s and 30s, now blocked from mortgages that might have helped them buy their first apartments? Wealthy provincial buyers who hoped to move into Seoul? Perhaps not. The most frustrated group may be residents of Seoul's mid- to lower-priced districts - areas like Nowon, Dobong and Gangbuk (collectively known as "Nodogang"), and Geumcheon, Gwanak and Guro ("Geumgwangu"). Many expected that if new curbs were introduced, they would target Seoul's riverside "Han River Belt," including Mapo, Seongdong and Gwangjin, where housing prices had been soaring. Instead, the Lee Jae Myung administration expanded the Land Transaction Permit Zone system - originally designed for select areas - across all of Seoul and twelve surrounding cities in Gyeonggi. For residents of Seoul's outer districts, where home prices have barely risen this year and remain below their 2021 peak, the move came as a shock. When higher-end neighborhoods surged, these areas had at least hoped for a "balloon effect," a late spillover of demand. Instead, they were hit by a regulation few expected - a bolt from the blue. Some analysts say the real beneficiaries may not be the outlying cities of Guri or Dongtan, which escaped designation, but the affluent districts of Gangnam, Seocho, Songpa and Yongsan. With all of Seoul now subject to restrictions, these areas, long bound by similar rules, stand to lose less, or even make relative gains. Premium Gangnam officetels, which are outside the transaction ban, could become the next target for investors. The permit zone system began in 2020 under then-Seoul Mayor Park Won-soon, and applied to only four districts - Jamsil, Samseong, Daechi and Cheongdam - where redevelopment pressures were intense. Buyers had to submit financing plans, obtain government approval and live in the purchased property at least for two years, raising constitutional concerns over property rights. At the time, the city defended the measure as a temporary "pinpoint regulation" tied to specific development projects. When Mayor Oh Se-hoon took office, the system not only remained but expanded the following year to include Apgujeong, Yeouido, Mok-dong and Seongsu. Earlier this year, Oh lifted the restrictions, only to then reinstate them within a month after a sharp spike in prices. What began as an attempt to cool speculation in Gangnam has now spread across a metropolitan region of 15 million people, leading critics to call the permit regime "the default mode of real estate control" and a de facto erosion of property rights. The administration claims it has kept its campaign promise not to "control housing prices through taxes." But that is misleading. The new designation of "adjusted areas" automatically triggers heavier acquisition and capital gains taxes on owners of multiple homes. Finance Minister Koo Yun-cheol has already hinted that property taxes will rise, arguing, "Those who own 5 billion won homes should expect to pay 50 million won a year." Lower transaction taxes may follow, but with the market frozen by permit rules, that would be an empty gesture. Critics call it "a trick to disguise the property tax bomb." Even if one concedes that such extreme regulation could stabilize prices, history says otherwise. During the Roh Moo-hyun and Moon Jae-in administrations, heavy taxes and punitive measures failed to contain prices, only fueling speculation. Because the permit rule blocks "gap investment" - buying with tenants still in place - it also prevents landlords from selling leased properties, locking up supply. The effect is to freeze transactions rather than lower prices. Earlier this year, the lifting of similar restrictions triggered immediate price surges, showing how artificially suppressed markets rebound once freed. Once impo...

The Democratic Party's (DP) special committee on judicial reform has unveiled a plan to expand the number of Supreme Court justices from 14 to 26. Supporters argue that the measure would ease the court's workload and reduce delays, an issue that has been raised even within the judiciary. Yet the proposal lacks public consensus in both its purpose and process. If the law is revised as proposed, President Lee Jae Myung would appoint 22 of the 26 justices - 84.6 percent of the total. The bill calls for adding four new justices each year for three years, following a one-year grace period. During that time, Lee would appoint 12 new justices plus replacements for the nine whose terms, including Chief Justice Jo Hee-de's, will expire. Such a scenario inevitably raises concerns that the nation's top court could be filled with figures aligned with the president and his party. DP Rep. Back Hye-ryun, who heads the reform committee, argued that "the next president will also appoint 22 justices, ensuring a balanced structure between administrations." But this logic reflects partisan arithmetic, not judicial principle. The essence of the judiciary lies not in a balance of appointments but in independence from political power. Few would welcome a Supreme Court dominated by government-friendly judges. Opposition lawmakers compared the move to Venezuela's judicial overhaul, where expanding the court completed the path to authoritarian rule, calling the bill "a transparent attempt to subdue the judiciary." The DP has also pledged to pursue a new retrial system allowing appeals of Supreme Court rulings to the Constitutional Court - a de facto four-tier judicial structure. Party leader Jung Chung-rae said, "Even the Supreme Court is an institution under the Constitution," signaling his intent to press ahead. Critics, including members of the party itself, warn that the plan could sow chaos in the judicial system. Many see both the court expansion proposal and the retrial initiative as a response to the Supreme Court's decision to overturn President Lee's election law violation acquittal - a sign of political retaliation disguised as reform. DP leaders insist they will hold public consultations, but memories of the one-sided drive for prosecutorial reform make such assurances hard to believe. The party's media reform committee added to the unease by proposing a bill that would impose damages up to five times the harm caused by the deliberate spread of false information, and fines up to 1 billion won ($703,000) for repeat offenses. While the intent to curb disinformation is understandable, excessive penalties could chill free expression. Using the banner of reform to weaken the press's role in scrutinizing power would undermine the foundation of democracy itself. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Yoon So-yeon and read by an artificial voice. Lights, camera, action - K-pop boy band BoyNextDoor is at it again to make its mark as a one-of-a-kind, unique K-pop group, this time with the frisky, free-soul spirit of the Hollywood movie industry. BoyNextDoor will release its fifth EP "The Action" on Monday, just six months after the sextet's fourth EP "The Action" was released in May. "The Action" and lead track "Hollywood Action" revolve around a filmmaking theme - not the glitz and glamor of Hollywood but the fun, confident and proud party of creative minds of young stars striving to fulfill their dreams. "'Hollywood Action' shows us as being confident and proud like Hollywood stars," member Leehan told reporters during a showcase held on Monday afternoon, ahead of the official album release. "The song has witty lyrics that people can relate to, and we're looking forward to performing it for the fans because we're confident that it'll be fun to listen to - and because, as always, we tried our very best." "Hollywood Action" is a funky dance track with a jazzy, swing rhythm combined with BoyNextDoor's signature playfulness. Members flaunt their steady vocal and rap skills with perfectly in-sync dance moves that highlight how the group has been growing ever since its debut in May 2023. And as always, members of BoyNextDoor took part in making all of the songs, especially writing the lyrics. "This album carries our aspiration to grow," said Sungho. "And in order to grow, you need to take action. This album embodies 'The Action' that we all need to take to leap forward and always challenge ourselves." Members had their differences during the production of the album, but that's what made it even better, according to leader Myung Jae-hyun. "I actually think that's what makes us stronger as BoyNextDoor and lets us shine in our own color," Myung said. "We all like different things, and we all have different styles. That inevitably leads to us having conflicts over what we want, but that means that we have to think harder about how to persuade each other and, ultimately, how to persuade the audience with our music. The final result is that each of our different colors comes together to make harmony as one." BoyNextDoor sold over a million copies of both of its previous albums, "19.99" (2024) and "No Genre," the latter of which achieved the feat within the first week of release. With its first tour, "Knock On Vol. 1," the band put on 23 performances in 13 cities around Asia and also took the stage at Lollapalooza in the summer. Its feats are impressive enough to be the end goal for other groups, but there is a reason that BoyNextDoor set "growth" as its keyword for "The Action" - and will continue doing so. "We always feel like we can do better," Woonhak said. "That's why we want to keep challenging ourselves and take more action. We want to do what we want to do, not what others want us to do, and without hesitation. We want to keep pushing through with our own music, and we hope that brings some sort of courage to the listeners so that they can start doing whatever they want as well."

This article is by Lee Jian and read by an artificial voice. The Seoul Metropolitan Dance Theatre is reimagining eight traditional Korean dances through a nuanced contemporary lens in its new production "Mimesis," running from Nov. 6 through 9 at the Sejong Center for the Performing Arts in Jongno District, central Seoul. The company focused on finding the right balance between the modern and the traditional, according to Artistic Director Jeong Hye-jin. "We didn't want to simply follow or repeat tradition - to continue an existing lineage of dances - but to create a new form of traditional dance that resonates with audiences and sensibilities in 2025," Jeong told reporters at the Sejong Center for the Performing Arts on Monday. "For that, we had to dig deeper into the foundation and essence of each original form - to build something grounded purely in the spirit of those dances." The director's intention is reflected in its title, "Mimesis," which refers to the Greek philosopher Aristotle's aesthetic concept that states the essence of art is the representation or imitation of the real world. The Seoul Metropolitan Dance Theatre is also behind the widely acclaimed "Ilmu," featuring Korea's traditional line dance. Genres showcased in "Mimesis" are: the small hand drum (Sogo) dance, expressing the earth; the long sword (Janggeom) dance, symbolizing lightning striking down from the sky; the Salpuri dance, evoking emptiness and the spirit's ascent toward heaven; the shaman (Mudang) dance, embodying the spontaneity of fire; the Gyobang dance, representing the flow of water; the Hanryang dance, portraying the movement of wind through a scenic landscape; the Seungmu (Buddhist monk's dance), capturing the rise toward the heavens; and the Taepyeongmu, symbolizing light that illuminates the world. The 70-minute performance is accompanied by original music performed with a live band and chorus. "Of course, there are many types of traditional dances," Jeong said. "But in choosing for this production, we considered a wide range of social roles and status - from kings and generals to farmers, shamans and monks. Each dance was selected to represent a different profession, class or form, without overlap. The goal was to let each one's individuality shine within a shared natural harmony." Ki Moo-gan, who recently gained attention on the 2024 dance survival show "Stage Fighter," joins "Mimesis" as a guest performer. "I've worked in Korean dance for some time, but in recent years I've explored my own artistic direction, which led me to step away from traditional dance," Ki said. "So I'm truly glad to have this opportunity again." Ki anchors the long sword dance alongside four male dancers, fusing modern movement with traditional form - a distinctly masculine performance imbued with the sensitivity of contemporary dance. By contrast, the gyobang dance is elegant and restrained, performed by seven female dancers whose movements align down to the smallest details - from the flick of a finger to the direction of a gaze. The shaman dance is charged with energy and individuality. Performed by one male and four female dancers, each represents a different regional tradition and captures the diverse spirit of shamans across Korea. "Whenever we perform traditional dance, we often focus on repeating what has already been done," said Oh Jeong-yoon, the company's assistant principal dancer. "But this time, I was simply told to 'dance.' It sounds obvious, but as I kept practicing, I realized I was concentrating on creating a dance that truly feels alive."

This article is by Cho Yong-jun and read by an artificial voice. Jin Ramen's collaboration with BTS's Jin was a huge success for food maker Otoki, with the company selling all 1.3 million instant noodle packages containing Jin's stickers in just 50 days of its release in March. At the same time, sales on Otoki's official online mall rose 10-fold in March compared to the same period the previous year, which was enough for the Korean company to plan a second collaboration featuring new designs and larger collectibles of Jin. Fans of BTS, the Army, also enjoyed the collaboration, as many fans tried Jin Ramen for the first time thanks to the endorsement. Searching for Jin Ramen on X, formerly known as Twitter, yields search results almost all from fans of Jin, who are sharing the collaboration information and how they got a hold of the Jin sticker. The company announced late September that it will update the packaging and introduce new Jin collectible stickers - but the stickers won't be included in all Jin Ramen packages sold around the world. In fact, they are exclusive to Otoki's official online mall and Amazon. The Korea JoongAng Daily is here to clear up any confusion surrounding the Otoki Jin Ramen and BTS Jin collaboration. Q. How does Jin Ramen's second collaboration with BTS Jin differ from the first collaboration? The first collaboration, which began this March, involved new Jin Ramen packages featuring photos of Jin, along with collectible stickers included with the multipack version. In Korea, there were 12 stickers: four featuring different images of Jin; four featuring Jin's handwriting alongside Jin Ramen products and four with Wootteo, the animated astronaut character designed by Jin. In foreign markets, only the four stickers featuring photos of Jin were included in the multipack packages. The second collaboration, which began late September, updates the packaging of the cup noodles and updates the Jin stickers. The stickers are now larger, measuring 5 centimeters (1.97 inches) wide and 7 centimeters in height, to make them more "collectible," according to the food company. Can you still buy the first collaboration Jin Ramen packages and instant noodles? You may still find the original collaboration packages, but as instant noodles typically expire six months after the production date, buyers should be aware of the expiration dates. Where can you buy the new Jin x Jin Ramen packages and cup noodles in Korea? The new Jin Ramen instant noodles and cup noodles are widely available in Korean offline and online shops. The multipack featuring Jin stickers, however, is exclusive only to Otoki's official online mall. Only 100,000 units will be sold and they are currently in stock as of press time. The mall requires an authenticated Korean phone number, meaning that short-term visitors in Korea will not be able to officially buy items from the site. The multipack Jin Ramen with the new Jin stickers can be bought from Amazon, sold directly by Otoki America. It is not officially available elsewhere. Will Otoki expand the sales of Jin Ramen multipacks featuring new Jin stickers elsewhere else? There are currently no plans to officially sell the package in more countries, according to Ottoki.

This article is by Moon Sang-hyeok and read by an artificial voice. Prosecutors have requested arrest warrants for 58 of the 64 Koreans repatriated from Cambodia on Saturday over alleged involvement in organized fraud operations, authorities said on Monday. The police had initially sought warrants for 59 of the returnees. The prosecution rejected one request but moved forward with the rest, effectively releasing five suspects. One individual had already been arrested upon arrival due to a previously issued warrant. The National Office of Investigation under the National Police Agency said most of the suspects played major roles in large-scale scams, including stock fraud chat room, voice phishing and no-show schemes that ran from late 2024 to July 2025. The South Chungcheong Police Agency, which is handling 45 suspects - the largest group - requested warrants for all of them. The Northern Gyeonggi Police Agency, which handled 15 suspects, applied for arrest warrants for 11 individuals accused of being involved in so-called "romance scams" between March and April. One suspect had already been arrested and was transferred to the Busan District Prosecutors' Office. Additionally, individual warrant requests were made by the Seodaemun Police Precinct in Seoul, the Daejeon Police Agency and the Gimpo Police Precinct in Gyeonggi. The only suspect whose warrant request was rejected had been investigated by the Seodaemun police. He is accused of providing his personal bank account to a fraudulent investment advisory ring, thereby violating the Electronic Financial Transactions Act. Police determined that he played more than a minor role and pursued a warrant accordingly. However, the Seoul Western District Prosecutors' Office rejected the request, citing the circumstances surrounding his departure from Korea, his limited involvement and the fact that he had been detained and later repatriated after contacting the local Korean embassy in Cambodia for help. Police say they are reviewing the possibility of reapplying for a warrant, pending further investigation. In response to a growing number of kidnapping and missing person reports linked to Cambodia, the Seoul Metropolitan Police Agency announced on Monday that it will launch a task force dedicated to investigating cases involving overseas Korean nationals. Commissioner Park Jeong-bo said during a regular press briefing that the new task force, led by the head of the violent crimes unit of the Seoul metropolitan investigation division, will comprise 44 officers, including two cybercrime teams. "The idea is for local precincts to conduct initial assessments, and if a criminal element is suspected, the case will be referred to the task force," Park explained. According to Seoul police, 38 Cambodia-related reports have been filed. Fourteen of them were found not to involve criminal activity, while 22 remain under investigation. A dedicated team within the agency's metropolitan investigation unit has also been assigned to look into the Prince Group, a Cambodian conglomerate founded by Chen Zhi of China's Fujian Province, over alleged links to criminal compounds in the country. "We are analyzing intelligence related to the group," Park said. "If evidence of criminal activity emerges, we will launch a full investigation." This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

Auto exports increased 16.8 percent from a year earlier in September, driven by robust demand for environmentally friendly cars in Europe and Asia, data showed Monday. The value of outbound shipments of automobiles came to $6.41 billion last month, the highest figure for any September, according to data from the Ministry of Trade, Industry and Resources. In terms of volume, exports gained 11 percent on year to 228,000 vehicles. The value of accumulated auto exports from January to September reached an all-time high of $54.1 billion. The ministry said demand for Korean cars went up in major regions, except for North America, where Korean cars are currently subject to 25 percent tariffs by the administration of U.S. President Donald Trump. Exports to the European Union surged 52.8 percent on year to $958 million in September, while shipments to Asia spiked 62.3 percent to $823 million. Shipments to North America, however, shrank 5.3 percent to $2.8 billion, with exports to the United States dipping 7.5 percent to $2.4 billion. By type, exports of environmentally friendly cars, such as EVs, hybrid cars and hydrogen cars, soared 47.5 percent from a year earlier to 90,496 vehicles last month. It marked the first time monthly exports of such cars topped 90,000 units, accounting for nearly 40 percent of all auto exports. In particular, shipments of hybrid cars jumped 55.7 percent to 57,824 vehicles, and exports of EVs advanced 38.9 percent to 29,288 units, rising for the fourth consecutive month. At home, sales of automobiles went up 20.8 percent on year to 158,000 units last month, hitting the highest mark since November 2023. Domestic EV sales shot up 135 percent on year to an all-time monthly high of 28,760 units. The accumulated volume of EV sales here in the January-to-September period climbed 57.5 percent to 170,000 units, already surpassing the annual sales of 142,000 posted last year, according to the data. It also showed domestic production of cars climbed 8.9 percent to 334,000 units in September as the number of working days increased from a year earlier. This year, the Chuseok holiday fell in early October, whereas in 2024, it took place in September.

This article is by Shin Ha-nee and read by an artificial voice. INCHEON - It's finally a wrap. After an 11-month, record-setting "dominATE" tour spanning 34 stops, Stray Kids returned home for a well-deserved celebration, proving that yes, it indeed "ate" and left no crumbs. The four-hour encore concert, fittingly titled "dominATE: celebrATE," took place at Incheon Asiad Main Stadium on Saturday and Sunday. While Stray Kids performed in 27 stadiums during its latest world tour, this marked the first time the octet performed at a stadium in Korea. Compared to the tour's opening shows at Seoul's KSPO Dome in August last year, the encore lived up to its role as a grand finale. The setlist was refreshed with both the group's newest and classic hits, with unit performances in place of solo stages and an array of large-scale spectacles, from fireworks to a drone show. Though the vast scale of the venue occasionally slowed the show's pacing, partly due to the lengthy arc-shaped extended stage that wrapped around the audience, Stray Kids' commanding live presence and tightly executed production more than filled the space, showcasing how much the group has grown over the course of its yearlong journey. "Thanks to Stay's love, we ate the world tour and came back," declared member I.N. during the Sunday show, referring to Stray Kids' official fandom, Stay. "The scale of the tour has grown massively," added Han. "Thank you, Stay, for letting us play at such a grand venue." As always, Stray Kids opened the show with its signature rock introduction, setting an explosive tone for the night, which was further amplified by a powerful live band that actively interacted with the group throughout the show as a true part of the whole team. Out of 33 tracks performed - including encores, which stretched the show to nearly four hours - 17 songs were delivered almost nonstop, with minimal breaks for comments and costume changes. The marathon of hits began with "Mountains" (2024), "Thunderous" (2021) and "JJAM" (2024), which were followed by "District 9" (2018), the group's debut track, after a brief introduction for the show. Production-wise, there was little room for rest during the first half of the show. The concert's opening sequence built momentum with a generous amount of fireworks and evolving stage concepts, from traditional Korean motifs to biker-inspired outfits. Midway through the show, the members took to the stage in hanbok-inspired attire for "Walkin' On Water" (2024) and "God's Menu" (2020), accompanied by a traditional lion mask dance. After a dynamic drone show - though disappointingly obscured for most of the fans in the upper levels - the cultural homage quickly shifted gears as the group reappeared in racing outfits for "Ceremony" and "Half Time." But what ultimately made the concert a standout was Stray Kids' vocals and performance. Performing live with hand-held microphones while executing intense choreography, the members showcased consistent strength throughout the night. Following a relatively slower and emotional midsection featuring "Lonely St." (2022), "Cover Me" (2023) and "In My Head," the show surged to the climax with "Topline" (2023), "Social Path" (2023), "Rock" (2023), "Megaverse" (2023) and "Maniac" (2022). The additional two shows in Seoul served not only as a grand finale but also a reflection on the group's remarkable year. Stray Kids wrapped up the tour, its largest yet, in July, following the release of its ninth EP, "ATE," in July last year. After kicking off with four shows in Seoul in August last year, the band traveled approximately 285,000 kilometers (177,090 miles) across Asia, Oceania, Latin America, North America and Europe, performing 54 shows at 34 venues, including 27 stadiums. The group scooped up several accolades along the journey, becoming the first K-pop act to headline 13 stadiums and drawing 120,000 fans to Stade de France, the biggest audience a K-pop act has ever brought to the ven...

This article is by Jeong Jae-hong and read by an artificial voice. The amount of overdue credit card loans in Korea has surged to a record high, nearing 1.5 trillion won ($1.06 billion), according to recent government data. As of the end of August, credit card loans - including cash advances and card loans - overdue by more than one month totaled 1.483 trillion won, according to data submitted by the Financial Supervisory Service (FSS) to Rep. Kang Min-kuk of the People Power Party on Monday. The volume of overdue card debt has steadily increased each year since 2022 and is expected to hit another all-time high this year. At the end of 2021, the figure stood at 718 billion won. The figure rose to 860 billion won at the end of 2022 and 983 billion won at the end of 2023. By the end of last year, it had exceeded 1 trillion won for the first time, reaching 1.094 trillion won. As of this August, the total had more than doubled over four years. Compared to August 2024 - when overdue credit card loans stood at 1.372 trillion won - the figure has grown by about 8 percent. Over the same period, the total volume of credit card loans rose just 0.3 percent from 44.665 trillion won to 44.785 trillion won. The rapid increase in overdue loans has pushed up delinquency rates as well. The delinquency rate for card loans was 1.9 percent at the end of 2021, rising to 2.2 percent in 2022 and 2.4 percent in both 2023 and early 2024. As of the end of August this year, it jumped to 3.3 percent. "Borrowers facing tighter access to bank loans are increasingly turning to card loans," said Rep. Kang. "This trend could threaten the financial health of card companies, and regulators must act quickly to manage and off-load bad debt appropriately." This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Shin Min-hee and read by an artificial voice. Kolmar Korea has been selected as the sole cosmetics company to lead the Ministry of Trade, Industry and Energy's "AI Factory Alliance" initiative, the company said Monday. As part of the government-led project, Kolmar Korea will develop next-generation AI manufacturing systems that analyze data in real time and autonomously optimize production processes. It is considered an upgrade from conventional smart factories that automate tasks under preset conditions. The new system will be applied to planning, manufacturing, quality control and packaging, with the goal of boosting manufacturing accuracy to over 95 percent. The AI factories will offer greater flexibility in manufacturing a broader range of products in small quantities tailored to customer needs, according to Kolmar. The project began last month and will run through December 2029. Kolmar plans to establish an integrated production data platform and develop autonomous AI models to improve product quality and process precision. Kolmar anticipates that the results of its AI factory project will benefit other Korean cosmetics companies in boosting productivity, as many still rely on manual labor, particularly because of the wide variation in product designs and packaging formats. Since 2019, Kolmar has implemented smart factory systems and completed the digitization of manufacturing data, which the company says has resulted in a significant reduction in defect rates. "Through this initiative, Kolmar Korea will work to strengthen K-beauty's global competitiveness and upgrade Korea's cosmetics manufacturing technology through our AI-based autonomous manufacturing system," a company spokesperson said. Kolmar operates production bases in Korea, the United States, Canada and China. Once development of the AI system is complete, the company will implement it in all domestic and overseas factories, as well as other affiliates, such as Kolmar BNH, HK inno.N and Yonwoo.

This article is by Sarah Chea and read by an artificial voice. Hyundai Motor ranked 33rd on TIME Magazine's list of the World's Best Companies of 2025, becoming the only Korean firm to be included in the top 100. The ranking, which measures employee satisfaction, revenue growth and sustainability transparency, showed that Hyundai was the fourth highest among all carmakers, after Volkswagen Group at seventh, Ford Motor at 13th and General Motors at 20th. Hyundai outperformed Japan's Toyota Motor, which ranked 48th, securing the highest position among Asian automakers. The company climbed 159 spots from 192nd in 2024. Nvidia claimed the top spot, followed by Microsoft in second place - a reflection of the growing importance of AI capabilities as a core indicator of corporate value and competitiveness. Since 2023, TIME has partnered with Statista, a German data platform, to identify the world's top 1,000 companies delivering outstanding performance based on three equally weighted criteria: employee satisfaction derived from survey responses from over 200,000 participants worldwide; corporate growth measured using Statista's revenue database over the past three years; and environmental, social, and governance (ESG) scores compiled by Statista. "Hyundai's sharp rise in the rankings is attributed to strong global employee satisfaction, sustained revenue growth and continued efforts in ESG initiatives, including carbon reduction and human rights policies," the company said in a statement. "It is expected to bolster investor confidence and contribute to a positive perception of the brand." In Hyundai's annual internal employee satisfaction survey, it scored a record-high 79.4 points in 2024 - the highest in the company's history - where voluntary turnover rate stood at just 0.39 percent. Revenues also rose 23 percent to 175 trillion won ($123 billion) in 2024 compared to 2022, while operating profit surged about 45 percent to 14.2 trillion, driven by an improved product mix focused on high-value models like SUVs and EVs and robust demand in foreign markets.

Kim Bong-ryeol The author is an architect and former president of the Korea National University of Arts Confucius was the most learned scholar of the Spring and Autumn period (770-476 B.C.), yet as a politician he was treated like "a stray dog at a funeral." It was only 350 years after his death that the Han Dynasty adopted Confucianism as its state ideology and elevated him to the status of a sage. The Tang court posthumously titled him "Prince of Manifest Culture," and the Song Dynasty raised him further to "Great Sage and Model Teacher." By the Yuan era, he had ascended to the divine ranks, regarded as an equal to heaven and earth. In Qufu, the capital of the ancient state of Lu, stand the three sacred Confucian sites known collectively as the "Three Kongs": the Temple of Confucius (Kongmiao), the Kong Family Mansion (Kongfu) and the Cemetery of Confucius (Konglin). The temple was built on the site of Confucius' former home. Emperor Wu of Han personally visited in 105 B.C. to offer sacrifices, turning the site into a national shrine. Since then, 12 emperors have performed rituals there in person, while another 100 sent envoys to do so on their behalf. Despite the rise and fall of countless dynasties, the Temple of Confucius remained China's supreme sanctuary for 2,000 years. It expanded continuously, growing into the largest surviving complex of its kind, with more than 200 halls and 460 rooms. It took on its current scale around 1500, and major restoration work was carried out in 1739. The overall layout mirrors that of an imperial palace, arranged in three horizontal rows and 10 vertical courtyards. The central axis stretches 1.3 kilometers (0.8 miles) through nine courtyards. Passing through seven successive gates, visitors reach Kuiwen Pavilion, a three-story building. The first floor once received imperial guests, while the upper floors stored books and treasures. Behind it stand 13 commemorative steles erected by successive emperors. Beyond the Dacheng Gate lies the Apricot Platform Hall, built in honor of the apricot tree under which Confucius is said to have taught. The main hall, the Dacheng Hall, enshrines his spirit tablet. With a nine-bay facade and two-story structure, it ranks among China's three great halls, alongside the Hall of Supreme Harmony in Beijing's Forbidden City and the Heavenly Hall in Mount Tai's Great Temple. Its carved dragon pillars, double terraces, and yellow roof tiles were architectural privileges once reserved for emperors. The humble residence of a teacher thus became a grand temple and, ultimately, an imperial palace. Confucius' philosophy of order and ritual was co-opted to legitimize feudal hierarchy and imperial authority. The man who taught benevolence and propriety was, in death, transformed into an emperor. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

Won Ok-kum The author is a representative of the Migrant Center Donghaeng and is originally from Vietnam. Not long ago, a Vietnamese woman came to me for help. Her brother had come to Korea as a seasonal worker, rising at 4 a.m. each day to pack lunch, board a bus and move from farm to farm, working twelve hours a day. He thought he would be employed at a single farm, but the reality was different - he worked under a new employer almost daily. His pay was 80,000 won per day, while the broker pocketed 50,000 won out of the 130,000 won paid by each farmer. Deductions were made for lodging, electricity, Wi-Fi and even industrial accident insurance. When there was no work, he was left waiting in his quarters without any compensation. His sister had paid a broker 3.6 million won to bring him to Korea, but after eight months, he returned home with little more than exhaustion and loss. Such stories are far from isolated. Across the country, many local governments rely on the seasonal worker program to fill agricultural labor shortages, but illegal brokers and fake agencies have become deeply embedded in the process. By law, seasonal workers are supposed to work only for the farms named in their contracts and be paid directly by their employers. In practice, violations are rampant. Some marriage migrants have even become brokers themselves, facilitating or profiting from these illegal arrangements - a painful reality in itself. Seasonal workers are allowed to stay for up to five months, or eight if extended, but during that brief period they are indispensable to Korean agriculture. With rural populations aging rapidly, farms now depend on these workers to survive the planting and harvest seasons. Yet they remain on the margins of the system, treated as disposable labor rather than essential contributors. The program was designed for local governments to recruit and manage workers directly, but brokers have stepped in, turning the process into an illegal dispatch system. Complex paperwork and limited administrative capacity have opened the door to exploitation. Brokers promise "fast visas" or "good farms," collecting fees from both sides. The result is a structure where both farmers and workers end up suffering losses. An even bigger problem lies in the legal vacuum surrounding protection. Because of their short stay, seasonal workers often fall outside the scope of the Labor Standards Act. Some are not covered by industrial accident insurance, and many live in poor housing conditions - greenhouses or shipping containers without adequate heating. The language barrier prevents them from reporting abuse or claiming their rights. Though they are "legal residents," they remain invisible within the very system that brought them here. The Ministry of Justice recently announced plans to designate specialized agencies to oversee seasonal labor, but the real solution is to eliminate brokers entirely. Canada's "government-to-government" model offers an instructive example: its federal government manages recruitment, entry and oversight directly, cutting out private intermediaries and ensuring transparency and public accountability. Korea could take a similar approach. Institutions such as the Human Resources Development Service of Korea or the National Agricultural Cooperative Federation, which already manage foreign workers under the Employment Permit System, could take charge of seasonal labor management. This would guarantee fairness and efficiency, reducing the reliance on opaque private networks. Under no circumstances should the government allow the system to be reshaped into a profit pipeline for brokers masquerading as "specialized agencies." Reports suggest some are already preparing to do exactly that. Local governments must also play their part. In some regions, weak oversight and collusion with brokers have led to gross negligence - even ignoring complaints of exploitation. Municipalities should publicly disclose information on ...

Lee Ha-kyung The author is a senior columnist at the JoongAng Ilbo. In early December 1950, at the height of the Korean War, panic swept through Seoul. Rumors spread that "the United States is about to sell out Korea to China." Half a million people fled south. It was not fake news. After sending ground troops within five days of North Korea's invasion and rescuing South Korea through General Douglas MacArthur's Incheon landing, Washington faltered following the disastrous "Home by Christmas" offensive on Nov. 24. Some U.S. officials called for withdrawal. Critics in Washington asked, "If we were going to pull out, why did we intervene at all?" Such swings in opinion and politics reveal how global powers move in the real world of international relations. At a joint meeting of the U.S. State and Defense Departments, military leaders declared South Korea had "no strategic value" and pushed to withdraw. Secretary of State Dean Acheson objected, warning that "Koreans will be massacred." On Jan. 14, 1951, President Harry Truman decided to stay. But the threat of U.S. withdrawal continued to haunt a fragile South Korea. President Syngman Rhee, lacking any bargaining chip like "MASGA" - short for "Make American Shipbuilding Great Again" - managed, through sheer persistence, to secure the U.S.-Korea Mutual Defense Treaty after direct talks with Truman and Dwight Eisenhower. Great powers have never been benevolent Santas. For weaker nations, only self-reliance and the ability to project value can prevent abandonment. That harsh reality still applies in 2025, amid President Donald Trump's trade and tariff wars. The difference is that today's South Korea is no longer a war-torn, impoverished country. It leads the world in semiconductors and stands as a manufacturing powerhouse in shipbuilding, nuclear power and defense - industries that even America depends on. South Korean economic policymakers have been in Washington negotiating the structure of a $350 billion investment package to address the tariff standoff. Top business leaders are lending informal support, even joining Trump on the golf course. Yet Trump keeps repeating his unrealistic demand: "The $350 billion must be paid up front." A.G. Hopkins, professor emeritus at Cambridge University and author of "American Empire: A Global History" (2018), said that Trump's tariff policy amounted to "shooting his own empire in the foot," calling it a form of economic imperialism that upends the postwar order built on global trade and cooperation. Still, Trump remains politically strong, backed by the anger of working-class Americans who saw their manufacturing jobs vanish. South Koreans cannot understand why their country should inject $350 billion in cash into the U.S. economy, yet Trump insists that America has been "raped and pillaged," blaming not only adversaries but also allies. Ironically, South Korea's alliance makes it an easier target. China has already retaliated by sanctioning five U.S. subsidiaries of Hanwha Ocean, a key shipbuilder - a direct strike on what Trump sees as South Korea's core bargaining chip, the "MASGA" factor. South Korea has become the punching bag of great power rivalry. How can it escape this crisis? The alliance with the United States must remain South Korea's top priority. Yet, Seoul also needs "strategic autonomy" - the ability to act flexibly on individual issues without overdependence on any one country. Self-strengthening and balance must go hand in hand. South Korea should reinforce its defense capability and diversify trade beyond the U.S. and China. Joining the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership alongside the European Union could be a game changer, giving access to a market that accounts for 30 percent of global GDP. In that case, South Korea would no longer have to look exclusively toward Washington or Beijing. At home, anti-business policies that weaken industrial competitiveness would be self-destructive. ...

People Power Party (PPP) leader Jang Dong-hyeok visited former President Yoon Suk Yeol at the Seoul Detention Center on Friday. His request for a special visit was denied, so he met Yoon for about 10 minutes under a general visitation arrangement, accompanied by Supreme Council member Kim Min-su. The meeting was, in a word, deeply inappropriate. Jang was elected in the Aug. 23 party convention with overwhelming support from anti-impeachment conservatives but has since tried to distance himself from the "Yoon Suk Yeol again" faction. While praising far-right YouTuber Jeon Han-gil as a "righteous volunteer," he refused to give him a party post. He also postponed visiting Yoon, saying he would decide "at an appropriate time." Yet during the National Assembly's audit period, Jang made an unannounced visit to Yoon, without informing other Supreme Council members, taking only Kim with him. The move undermined the moderate image he had been carefully building. Party officials expressed frustration. "No one was told in advance. We learned it from the news," one said. Acting alone while excluding the party's leadership contradicts the democratic and unifying principles Jang had claimed to uphold. His aides explained that the visit was a "personal matter," not an official party act. But if that were true, why was Kim Min-su there? Kim has repeatedly defended the martial law declaration and denied the Constitutional Court's unanimous ruling to remove Yoon from office. Jang's decision to bring him along effectively legitimized such views, contradicting the party's stance of accepting the court's ruling and apologizing for the crisis. It's no wonder lawmakers described the visit as "irresponsible" and "damaging to the party." The timing made it worse. The National Assembly's audit season is the PPP's main stage to hold the government accountable. The PPP had just intensified its attacks on the administration over Wednesday's housing policy and the summons of Presidential Secretary Kim Hyun-ji. Instead, Jang's unannounced visit handed the ruling Democratic Party (DP) a distraction and the public a reason to doubt his leadership. A recent Gallup Korea poll (Oct. 14-16) showed the PPP's approval rating stuck at 25 percent, well below the DP's 39 percent, despite multiple controversies plaguing the government - from Kim Hyun-ji's testimony to the Cambodia case and the land permit dispute. The gap underscores how the party has failed to regain public trust, fixated instead on appeasing its hard-line base. If Jang truly intends to rebuild the party, he must shed the image of a leader tied to pro-martial law and anti-impeachment politics. His first step should be a clear and final break from the man whose presidency shattered the party's credibility - Yoon Suk Yeol. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Lim Jeong-won and read by an artificial voice. HD Hyundai named Executive Vice Chairman Chung Ki-sun as chairman on Friday in a leadership succession centered on the third generation scion of the shipbuilding group's founding family. The reshuffle comes as HD Hyundai faces a critical period for its shipbuilding and heavy-industry businesses. Chung is expected to spearhead shipbuilding cooperation with U.S. partners as the industry emerges as a key sector in the ongoing trade negotiation. For future industries, HD Hyuddai will focus on digital innovation and environmental technologies, the company said. The company said this year's executive appointments were made earlier than usual to minimize disruption ahead of the two planned mergers of HD Hyundai Heavy Industries with HD Hyundai Mipo and HD Hyundai Construction Equipment with HD Hyundai Infracore. Former HD Hyundai Chairman Kwon Oh-gap was named honorary chairman and will step down from the board after the March 2026 shareholder meeting. HD Hyundai Site Solutions CEO Cho Young-cheul was promoted to vice chairman and will serve as co-CEO alongside Chung. At HD Hyundai Heavy Industries, Keum Seok-ho, formerly executive vice president, was promoted to president and appointed co-CEO with newly elevated Vice Chairman Lee Sang-kyun. Meanwhile, Kim Hyung-kwan, president of HD Hyundai Mipo, will move to HD Korea Shipbuilding & Offshore Engineering (KSOE) as co-CEO with Chung, while Kim Sung-joon becomes president and CEO of HD Hyundai Marine Solution. In the machinery sector, Moon Jae-young was named president of HD Construction Equipment, and Song Hee-joon was appointed CEO of HD Hyundai Site Solutions. Kim Wan-soo of HD Hyundai Robotics was also promoted to president. The appointments will be finalized following board approval and shareholder meetings. A graduate of Yonsei University and Stanford University's MBA program, third-generation heir Chung joined Hyundai Heavy Industries in 2009 and has held senior roles across finance, ship sales and corporate strategy. As head of HD Hyundai Marine Solution, he built the business into a key growth engine valued at over 11 trillion won ($7.75 billion), and in 2021 led the acquisition of Doosan Infracore to strengthen the group's construction-machinery division, according to HD Hyundai. Chung has recently focused on AI-driven digitization, environmentally friendly marine technology, and strengthening partnerships with U.S. industry leaders. An HD Hyundai spokesperson said the reshuffle "reflects the group's determination to open a new era under fresh leadership capable of responding to rapidly changing global conditions." The company pledged to balance the experience of existing executives with innovation, pursuing new growth engines while solidifying its position as a leading global heavy-industry group.