Talking Europe

It was described as an unhappy marriage — and it ended in June. The four-party government in the Netherlands collapsed when far-right leader Geert Wilders pulled his PVV party out of the coalition, citing his partners’ inaction on migration and asylum issues. That breakdown led to snap parliamentary elections being called, which are due to take place on 29 October. Beyond the personalities and personal rivalries, the issues in the Dutch election reflect some of the major political battles unfolding across the EU — particularly on migration and the green transition. We debate what’s at stake with our guests. Programme prepared by Perrine Desplats, Oihana Almandoz and Isabelle Romero  

At a jam-packed EU summit in Brussels on 23 October, dominated by the thorny issue of using frozen Russian assets, we caught up with the Deputy Minister for European Affairs of Cyprus, Marilena Raouna. Although Belgium was at the centre of haggling over how to turn the Russian assets into a “reparation loan” to help Ukraine, it is not the only country concerned by the issue. Cyprus has frozen €1.2 billion in Russian assets. Raouna emphasises that Cyprus has “completely turned the page” on Russian money flowing through the country and that supporting Ukraine will be a “top priority” when Cyprus assumes the rotating EU presidency in January 2026. Cyprus’s historically close links with Russia notwithstanding, Raouna pledges that the Cypriot EU presidency will “take an approach of unequivocal, steadfast support for Ukraine on all fronts – political, economic and humanitarian. This is about defending core European principles, including territorial integrity and sovereignty. Cyprus is a member state of the European Union that has part of its territory under occupation by Turkey. We know first-hand what it means to have territorial integrity violated. So this will be a top priority for the Cyprus presidency,” she asserts. On the question of using frozen Russian assets to aid Ukraine – the issue that dominated the EU summit – Raouna says: “There is broad support for the need to continue supporting Ukraine financially and in its defence capabilities. One of the proposals being discussed in this context is the use of the frozen Russian assets. The point we are making is that we need to ensure these proposals are legally sound, and that they are financially and economically viable for all member states.” In the event, EU leaders did not achieve a breakthrough on the issue and will revisit it at the next summit. Cyprus itself has frozen more than a billion euros in Russian assets. Raouna insists, however, that the island does not deserve the “Moscow on the Mediterranean” epithet that the media has sometimes used in reference to Russian money on the island. “There is very clear evidence that Cyprus has completely turned the page in that regard,” she states. “There are independent reports that verify this. President Christodoulides took very concrete steps when he assumed office a little over two and a half years ago. He invited a law enforcement team from the FBI to join our own teams. We have been steadfast in our support of the 19 sanctions packages, and our economy has done away completely with any Russian capital. If anything, we now have a very strong presence of American companies in Cyprus.” Being something of a bridge between Europe and the Middle East, Cyprus has been an active player in diplomacy on Gaza, and it intends to keep Gaza high on the agenda during its EU presidency. “When the war in Gaza started, we put forward the Cyprus Maritime Corridor, a humanitarian corridor which was supported by the European Union and by the United Arab Emirates, together with our partners in the region and with Israel. And this corridor is still ongoing,” Raouna says. “We’ve also put forward a six-point plan, which corresponds to a number of points in President Trump’s 20-point plan. We want to facilitate and advance its implementation, and we are now in the crucial initial phase. This is about the EU increasing its footprint in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East, because these regions are inextricably linked with the security of the European Union.”     Programme prepared by Luke Brown, Isabelle Romero, Perrine Desplats and Oihana Almandoz

As political and economic turmoil continues in France, we speak to the influential former EU Commissioner for the Internal Market, Thierry Breton. A former minister of economy and finance in the French government, Breton gives us his reading of the debt situation in France, as well as of France’s current standing in the European Union. We also talk about the obstacles to a more integrated EU defence industry – something that Breton was closely involved with in the European Commission during his tenure in 2019-2024. Breton points out that France is in worse shape than Germany, despite experiencing the same problems. "We had the same subprime issues, the same debt problems, the same Covid impact," he says. "And now we are at 116 percent debt versus GDP. Germany is at 62 percent. So it means that probably something is wrong with us. And we need to be very candid and to say to our public opinion that we cannot afford to pay our social benefits [the way we used to]. And we need to discuss together how to reduce our spending." So has the political deadlock and the mounting debt hurt France's standing in the EU? "When you are a founding member of the Union like France, you need to behave by example," Breton replies. "And it's true that, since 20 years, we have not kept our commitments. In the Eurogroup, at the Ecofin, when you don't stick to your commitment, it makes you a little bit more weak when you speak to others. That's the reality. Of course it's painful, but I think it's possible to demonstrate to the rest of our partners that we will get back on track." Breton adds: "France is still a big country. Remember that we have nuclear submarines. We have nuclear aircraft carriers. We are the only ones able to carry deterrence with our nuclear weapons, which is extremely important these days." Speaking of defence, we discuss the problems facing the EU's European Defence Industry Programme (EDIP). Breton was intimately involved with EDIP's launch as EU Commissioner. "What is extremely important is that defence stays at the level of member states. This is their sovereignty and it will stay this way. And the European Commission needs to understand that," Breton states. "On the other hand, the Commission has a very important power in industry. You remember we had a big discussion about shells and calibre 155 ammunition that we wanted to deliver to Ukraine. We were manufacturing 500,000 per year, but today, because we put a programme in place, we are producing more than 2 million per year. So are on our way to achieving what Russia is doing. This demonstrates that it's possible to work together to drastically enhance our defence industry." We ask Breton if it was a good idea for the Commission to talk about creating a "drone wall", in response to the recent presumed Russian drone incursions into European airspace. "Well, you know, in France this term reminds us of the Maginot Line (a French fortification that the German army bypassed in 1940). You can go around [a drone wall] in a car, or as an individual. So, I mean, it doesn't work this way," Breton says. "But, of course, we need to defend our airspace together. And this was already put into the EU's Strategic Compass in 2023. So we don't need to reinvent the wheel. It's already extremely clear that there are four contested spaces – airspace, space itself, cyberspace and maritime space – where we need to work together." Programme prepared by Isabelle Romero, Perrine Desplats and Oihana Almandoz

Elections in Europe are a rollercoaster these days. EU elites were relieved when the pro-EU camp won the parliamentary vote in Moldova, but the Czech legislative election turned out quite differently. Andrej Babiš, a populist and self-proclaimed Trumpist, won the ballot, staging a comeback similar to his colleague in neighbouring Slovakia, Robert Fico. Babiš’s victory is clearly a boon to Eurosceptic forces since it was he who, together with Hungary's leader Viktor Orban, set up the Patriots for Europe group in the European Parliament. But does his win have an impact on the EU's help for Ukraine? And on dealing with a more assertive Kremlin, which seems to be testing Europe with drone incursions? We put these questions to two MEPs. Programme prepared by Oihana Almandoz, Perrine Desplats and Isabelle Romero Read more about the work of the Special Committee on the European Democracy Shield (EUDS)

Moldovans have voted in what is arguably the country's most pivotal election since independence in 1991. Our guest says that there was "a big danger that pro-Russian forces might have drawn Moldova into Russia's war against Ukraine". But that danger was averted, and voters gave a clear thumbs-up to Moldova's European future and its desire to join the EU. We analyse the result of this parliamentary vote with Nicu Popescu, a former deputy prime minister and former foreign minister of Moldova.   "If you look at recent elections in Europe in the last three years, you would see that most incumbents lost in Italy, in the United Kingdom, in Germany, in Poland, in Slovakia, in the United States," Popescu points out. "People have mostly voted against incumbents. So this makes the victory of the governing team in Moldova really exceptional by European standards."  Popescu elaborates: "The levels of inflation, the economic shock of high energy costs have been bigger on Moldova than they were on Germany or France. And yet Moldovans voted this way because they want to live in a country that is democratic, European and at peace. And there was a big danger (in this election) that pro-Russian forces might have drawn Moldova into Russia's war against Ukraine."  Popescu details the hybrid warfare that Moldova has experienced – something the Kremlin dismisses as an attempt to distract attention from Europe's problems. "When you say hybrid war, for example in France or Germany, people think of disinformation on social media, and we had a lot of that in Moldova," Popescu states. "We had a lot of cyberattacks on the Central Election Commission’s critical infrastructure. All of that has been happening. But beyond that, Russians have been pumping hundreds of millions of euros into the political system, paying party activists, corrupt journalists, corrupt experts, paying for leaflets for a lot of things that are completely illegal. Russians laid out a scheme where they distributed at least 140,000 bank cards so that they can pay people for their votes. So this was a massive vote-bribing scheme."  On the recent drone incursions into EU or NATO airspace, Popescu says: "It's a message to scare the Europeans, to say, 'Don't invest in your defence. Be afraid of Russia. Don't help Ukraine, otherwise it will get worse.' Between 2008 and 2022, European leaders missed the fact that Russia is militarising, and they did not take the threat seriously. And we see the result of that today. Europe doesn't have enough means to protect its airports from drones; doesn't have enough means to have sufficient artillery shells to help Ukraine; doesn’t have enough means to keep the Russian military as far away from the rest of Europe as possible."  We ask Popescu about Moldova's EU membership process, and whether there is "enlargement fatigue" among existing EU members states.  "The cost of enlargement is a real issue, but a smaller EU would have been today at the mercy of lots of other hostile powers," he counters. "A bigger Europe is a stronger Europe, and that makes French citizens richer and live in peace. Europe consists of mostly small countries. So you add Moldova, you add Slovakia, you add Estonia, you add Portugal or Ireland, and you make Europe more peaceful."  Will problems with corruption and the judiciary hamper Moldova's EU membership? "Four years ago, when the Party of Action and Solidarity (PAS) came to power, Moldova was on 115th place on the Corruption Perceptions Index," Popescu replies. "In the last four years, Moldova improved by roughly 50 places. That's amazingly good progress. But it's also obvious that we need to do a lot more. There is still a lot of corruption left. And this is what people understood (in the election). They saw progress and they want a continuation of that progress."  Programme prepared by Oihana Almandoz, Perrine Desplats and Paul Guianvarc'h 

Several new portfolios have been created in the current European Commission, to reflect the EU's changing priorities. One of those is a Commissioner for the Mediterranean. This is a crucial region for the EU, as the bloc grapples with difficult issues such as migration, climate and energy. The EU wants to pursue this southern pivot by signing a Pact for the Mediterranean with North African and Middle Eastern countries. Our guest is the EU's Commissioner for the Mediterranean, Dubravka Suica. She is a Croatian centre-right politician and she held the Democracy and Demography portfolio in the first von der Leyen Commission, from 2019 to 2024. She has also been an MEP.  We begin with this year's UN General Assembly, and the growing number of EU member states that recognised a Palestinian state. "This General Assembly showed a big step forward because more than 160 countries recognised Palestine," Suica states. "And I'm sure that this somehow created new momentum, regardless of some divisions which you mentioned within the EU. We will see in the next Foreign Affairs Council what the situation is among EU member states. I think that we are still not united, but things are going in the right direction, especially now after we have this 21-point plan which was offered by President Trump to both Israel and Palestine." On the Palestine Donor Group, initially outlined by EU Commission chief Ursula von der Leyen in her State of the Union speech, Suica says: "We are sure that we will establish this group by the end of this year. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is interested, so we will somehow co-chair this donor group. But this is the moment to invite everyone in the world to help reconstruct Gaza, and to think about how to anticipate the situation after a ceasefire. [My] Mediterranean portfolio is not only North Africa and the Middle East, but also the Gulf countries. Without them, we cannot achieve peace and security in the region. We badly need all the Gulf countries on board." Suica insists that the new Pact for the Mediterranean, scheduled to be announced by the European Commission on October 16, will be "for the benefit of both sides of the Mediterranean, north and south, because we think that there is a lot of potential in in the Mediterranean. It's about everything. It's about the environment; keeping this area clean and not polluted. It's about trade. It's about development. It's about education. It's not only about migration. Migration is only one of the points within our strategic partnership agreements." But will this Pact not end up creaming off skilled labour from the southern Mediterranean to plug job shortages in Europe? "We don't want to create brain drain in these countries," Suica answers. "We don't want to take all their doctors, their engineers, their intellectual elite. We are putting people at the centre. It's about young people. They can help us to connect the people of the Mediterranean. This is exactly why I would like to establish a Mediterranean University, be it in Beirut, Alexandria, Fez or Barcelona." Suica was about to travel to Tunisia, a key partner for the EU, just after our interview. We asked her about the human rights abuses in that country, and whether the EU has been too soft. "With Tunisia, we always insist on transparency," she replies. "We insist on registering migrants, which is not the case at the moment. So this is something that we are working on with them, not only me, but also my colleague, Commissioner Brunner. There is space for improvement. But at the same time, if we are not there, who will be there? We don't want other players, be it Russia, be it China. We want to be there as the European Union." Demography is part of Suica's portfolio, and we touch on the declining fertility rates in the EU. "When we mention fertility and fertility rates, it's a competence of the member states, not of the European Union," Suica explains. "But we are trying to create an environment for families to thrive, to have housing, to have jobs. We need more kindergartens, nursery homes and so on. In order for people to eventually have more kids. But this is a very serious situation in Europe. When you look at the southern Mediterranean, you see a boom. And in Europe we have a shrinkage."

We sit down with Valdis Dombrovskis, EU Commissioner for Economy and Productivity and a former prime minister of Latvia. He comments on the recent drone incursions into EU airspace. He also discusses France's budget deficit, which is around 5.4 percent of GDP, meaning it is well over the criteria set out in the EU's Stability Pact.    Programme prepared by Perrine Desplats, Oihana Almandoz and Isabelle Romero

We sit down with two MEPs to discuss France's ballooning debt and deficit, both of which are much higher than the limits set out in the EU's Stability Pact. France being the second-largest economy in the EU, its current political and economic instability could also have an impact on the other member states. So how concerned should Europe be?  Programme prepared by Oihana Almandoz, Perrine Desplats and Isabelle Romero  

We sat down with Theodoros Rousopoulos, the President of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, the continent’s oldest political body. The assembly, also known as PACE, is sometimes called the driving force of the whole organisation, bringing together parliamentary delegations from 46 member states. But is this parliamentary diplomacy successful in pushing back against the democratic backsliding that is evident within the Council of Europe itself? And what instruments does PACE have to deal with members that do not uphold the core values of human rights, democratic norms and the rule of law?  Rousopoulos is clearly worried about the rise of populism and authoritarianism, and the attitudes of young people especially. “There is a recent survey which gives us this worrying information that Generation Z does not trust democracy anymore. And it is about 32 percent of Generation Z people in Europe, and about 52 percent in the UK, that believe that the prime minister should not give a damn about parliament. So this is very worrying. The problem is that politicians are keen on flattering the people. They try to be very close to the people in the wrong way. We have to speak the truth to the people. We have to say less during our pre-election periods, and then maybe we will gain the credibility that it is now lost for at least 10 or 20 years.”  Rousopoulos sees democratic backsliding within the Council of Europe itself. He cites Azerbaijan and Georgia as examples. “In January 2024, the Parliamentary Assembly decided that we are going to challenge the credentials of the Azeri delegation,” he recounts. “That means that we put a strict rule there and we said, if you don't change your behaviour, if you do not release political prisoners, as President Aliyev is doing, then you cannot belong to this assembly. For Georgia, we decided to ratify their credentials. But they didn't like the idea that we asked them to do more. And the prime minister, Mr. Kobakhidze, decided not to attend the assembly. And he said, ‘we don't care about the assembly.’ This is the most dangerous part, because if member states are being allowed to do what I call cherry-picking – staying in the committee of ministers, but not in the assembly – then the next step is that they will not follow the decisions taken by the European Court of Human Rights.”  “We need to reconsider, because populism is prevailing,” Rousopoulos sums up. “We have authoritarian regimes as member states of the Council of Europe, who believe that they can do everything.”  We touch on the immigration debate in the UK, and how that impacts calls for the UK to leave the European Convention on Human Rights. “If we take the cases which have been examined by the European Court of Human Rights, we will see that it is a small percentage – 5 percent, no more than 10 percent – of situations which are related to immigration issues,” Rousopoulos notes. “I understand that there are some (political) problems caused by the decisions taken by the court. But on the other hand, if we do not respect the court's decision, then what is the message that we give to judges in the UK? If a government or an opposition says that we do not respect the decisions taken in Strasbourg, then how can they persuade the people to respect the decisions taken in their own courts?”  We discuss other specific countries and situations, including Ukraine, and the steps towards the setting up of an international tribunal that the Council of Europe is supporting. “The Claims Commission is the latest decision that we have taken,” Rousopoulos says. “We have, of course, the Registry of Damages.  More than 15,000 people or organisations have appealed to this registry damage list. Now we have the Claims Commission, which is a new treaty which will be decided soon in our assembly. And this follows and complements the registry of damages. The next step is to ask for the money. Will that be from the frozen assets of Russians in Europe? Or another way? We will see. But it is very important to build the basis for the next step.”  Programme prepared by Oihana Almandoz, Agnès le Cossec, Isabelle Romero, Perrine Desplats

As the academic year begins, many students will embark on what has become a rite of passage: studying abroad for part of their course. However, the Erasmus+ programme is not limited to university undergraduates and postgraduates. Since its expansion in 2014, apprentices, trainers, job-seekers, and others have also benefited from these international exchanges. Founded in 1987 as Erasmus, the scheme has supported the personal and professional growth of more than 16 million people. Currently, 33 countries participate fully in Erasmus+ activities, including all 27 EU member states. Yet, Erasmus+ faces challenges, particularly regarding social inclusion. We discuss these issues with our MEPs, who serve on the European Parliament’s Committee on Culture and Education (CULT). Programme prepared by Isabelle Romero, Perrine Desplats and Agnès le Cossec     Read more about the work of the Culture an Education Committee in the European Parliament (CULT)

Amid the doom and gloom about France's political crisis and the public deficit, our guest maintains that the country is still economically attractive and still the second power in the European Union. Clément Beaune is France's High Commissioner for Strategy and Planning, a former secretary of state for European Affairs and a former minister-delegate for Europe in French governments. He supposes that the current political fragmentation will not disappear with elections in the years to come, and urges French political forces to find the kind of compromises that have enabled coalition governments to function in other European countries. Beaune recaps how France has burned through three prime ministers in the space of a year, and offers his analysis. "Since the snap elections in 2024, we have a parliament which is fragmented into basically three big political forces: on the left, in the centre and on the right or far right," he explains. "And in any parliamentary democracy across Europe, there would be a kind of a toolkit or toolbox to discuss, to find compromises, maybe to have a roadmap for a few months, at least on the budget in particular. In Germany, in Italy, in Spain, in the Netherlands it would be kind of normal, natural. In France it's new, but we have to get used to it because I think that this fragmentation will not disappear, even if we would have elections in the years to come. This is not our political culture and habit in France, and we have to find a way through." Is the French budget deficit harming France's standing in the EU? "I'm hearing a narrative now which is 100 percent negative in the French debate and in our neighbours' press or political debate," Beaune answers. "Of course we face difficulties. But between saying there are difficulties and saying that everything is wrong ... it is not true that we have problems in all economic areas. We remain a country with a strong attractiveness. We see that with foreign investment remaining high in France. France is still the second power of the European Union. Of course we also need to be humble and lucid about our difficulties. We are in a difficult situation regarding public accounts in comparison with other EU countries. And we have to reduce the burden of public debt." We turn to the work of Beaune's commission, which he concedes has been impacted by the political crisis and paralysis in the French parliament. "I think having a long-term policy unit is very important in these times of instability or short-termism across France and Europe," Beaune asserts. "In this political instability, it's important to have some places across government where you try to make proposals. To give you an example, I think we have made a very clear analysis of the demographic crisis that we are going through. I think the French public is not sufficiently aware that, for the first time since the Second World War, we will have more people dying than births in France this year. And this is a very strong wake-up call. We are making proposals for a pro-birth policy, if I can put it like that. We are also making proposals on economic migration, which is a sensitive issue but a necessary issue. We are also talking about competitiveness, because if we have a workforce which is more limited, we need to find other ways, including robots and so on, to be more competitive, to face international economic competition." Beaune explains that his Commission makes proposals with the European dimension in mind, "because we cannot think only nationally about demographics or reforms. We saw with the Covid crisis that we would not have saved as many jobs and companies in 2020, in 2021, if we had not delivered a European recovery plan for our economies. We need [European] sovereignty in terms of health and production of key equipment and medicines. The same for AI, the same for electric vehicles. I have this European DNA."

European political leaders tried to switch off for a few weeks in August, but they must have had a lot on their minds. Russian forces have advanced in the Donbas, in eastern Ukraine.  A summit in Alaska between the Russian and American presidents set off alarm bells in Kyiv and in the EU. And members of European governments are smarting from a trade deal with US President Donald Trump that leaves a 15 percent tariff ceiling on most EU products coming into the US – this as the European Union wants to assert its competitiveness and its strategic weight in the world. We discuss all this and more with our guests. Programme prepared by Oihana Almandoz, Isabelle Romero and Perrine Desplats

As this political season draws to a close, we bring you a showcase of our interviews with Europe's movers and shakers. They broach the top issues that have dominated the agenda over the past year, from competitiveness and simplification to corporate responsibility; from disinformation to "Choose Europe" for research and innovation; and, of course, the big geopolitical topics such as Ukraine and the Trump presidency. Programme prepared by Perrine Desplats, Isabelle Romero, Luke Brown and Oihana Almandoz

The coalition of Ursula von der Leyen in the European Parliament is holding up, but it is looking increasingly fragile. Centrist, Socialist and Green members of that coalition are deeply troubled by what they see as an alignment between the conservative European People's Party (EPP) and the far right. And they say they want the EU Commission president to get a grip on the EPP. The entire coalition did come together to see off a vote of no-confidence in von der Leyen on July 10. But that support came at a price. Party group leaders insist their backing of the Commission chief is not unconditional and that they want to see a change in policy direction. That is exactly the line taken by our guest, Valérie Hayer, who is the leader of the centrist Renew bloc in the EU Parliament and a French MEP since 2019. "I want a strong commitment on common policies, and I want a better cooperation, both between the Commission and the European Parliament, and also within the European Parliament, between the EPP and the pro-European groups, which is not the case yet," Hayer asserts. "If we don't have any strong commitment, any willingness from the EPP group that they want to work together with the pro-European agenda, and if we don't have any commitment from Ursula von der Leyen, then of course we will have to take decisions. And that could indeed be not to take part any more in this coalition." We put it to Hayer that the EPP has not sided with the far right in the great majority of votes over the past year. "But when you look at the most important files in the European Parliament, they decided consciously to make a deal with the far right. I can give you lots of examples," Hayer responds. "Nothing can be achieved with the far right, because the far right just wants to undermine Europe," she adds. We ask Hayer how France is going to deal with its huge public debt, while at the same time increase its defence spending by €3.5 billion in 2026. Is it not a contradiction to spend more money while also making austerity cuts? "We have to push for more investment at the national but also at the European level," Hayer responds.  "We are under threat with disinformation, cyberattacks and so on. And President Macron had also a very pro-European stance when he decided and announced this increase in defence spending. So I think we don't have any other choice." On the subject of public spending, the EU Commission has now made its proposal for the next big seven-year EU budget, and it represents an increase on the current 2021-2027 budget, which Hayer helped to negotiate. "We want to have a strong competitiveness fund to support our industries," Hayer says. "We also want to have a 'European preference' with local content [in strategic investments]. And a key demand from our group is that we want a strong commitment vis-a-vis the rule of law, especially with the smart conditionality, which means no euros going to autocrats and governments who don't respect our common rules. But on the ground, mayors and NGOs should still benefit from [EU] money." Hayer also talks about US President Donald Trump and his stated intent to impose 30 percent tariffs on EU imports on August 1. "First of all, nobody has any interest in this trade war. Nobody. Neither the EU, nor the US," she answers. "Now, the unity of Europe is absolutely key. Of course we should support the Commission strategy and leave the political space for negotiation. But if on the 1st of August we don't have enough in the negotiations, let's not be shy. We are a power. We have a huge market that is interesting for US companies, and we should have these countermeasures to convey the message to Donald Trump that we will not be fooled." Programme prepared by Perrine Desplats and Isabelle Romero

The EU is aiming to double high-speed rail traffic by 2030 and triple it by 2050. But harmonising rail networks across the continent is easier said than done. While some cross-border routes have opened in 2025, other projects have been hampered by a lack of infrastructure or investment, as well as vested interests in the EU member states. Our panelists discuss what it would take to change this situation – rail travel being a component of the EU's stated goal of becoming climate-neutral by 2050. Programme prepared by Perrine Desplats and Isabelle Romero

The Green Deal is often seen as the flagship project of the previous EU mandate. But after last year's European elections, in which right-wing parties performed well, the Green Deal was rebranded as the Clean Industrial Deal. There is now more emphasis on industrial revival and competitiveness. MEPs and members of the European Commission say the EU should not have to choose between re-industrialisation and meeting climate objectives, but rather do both. Officially, the goal of becoming climate-neutral by 2050 remains. In practice, though, how to strike that balance is a bone of contention between competing political forces in the European Union. We dive into what's at stake with two MEPs. Programme prepared by Perrine Desplats and Isabelle Romero

It is estimated that around 44 percent of European citizens keep a pet. MEPs have now set out the first ever minimum standards in the EU for the breeding, housing and handling of cats and dogs. This is because a majority of owners buy their pets online, and traceability has become a big issue. The European Parliament hopes that its draft law will deal with the irresponsible importation of animals from outside the EU, and reduce the influence of criminal networks. The trade in cats and dogs is worth around €1.3 billion per year. Programme prepared by Perrine Desplats and Isabelle Romero

We host the EU Ombudswoman, former Portuguese politician Teresa Anjinho, who says she aims to make her office the "reference point for integrity issues". The office itself is called the EU Ombudsman, even though it has now been led by two women. It was established in the early 1990s as an independent institution that investigates complaints about poor administration by EU institutions and bodies. We discuss the priorities of her five-year mandate, which began this February, and the transparency issues surrounding scandals such as "Pfizergate", "Qatargate" and "Huaweigate". We ask Anjinho about the increase in complaints to the Ombudsman where public access to documents has been denied. "So let's look at the bright side first," she answers. "If we have a rise in complaints, this is positive because in a way people are aware of the existence of the office and are also aware of their rights. Now the not-so-bright side is that, well, if they are complaining, it's because what we are promising in terms of citizens’ participation is not being complied with. It's the gap between expectations and reality. And you rightly pointed out a very important issue of transparency. We did have a rise of 42.2 percent in complaints last year, related mainly to access to documents. I think we do have room for improvement. It's clear that we need a framework that is more compliant with the needs of citizens, because access to documents goes hand in hand with a stronger democracy." We talk about the undisclosed text messages between EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and the CEO of Pfizer during the Covid-19 pandemic. Anjinho says that she raised "Pfizergate" during a meeting with von der Leyen in June. "It was important for me to pass the message that this is a very important issue for my office," Anjinho states. "The ruling of the (EU General) Court was very clear in terms of good administration. And it implicitly recognised that text messages are documents. The court was also clear that the Commission should have done more in saying if it has the messages or not, if the messages were deleted automatically, or if it changed the mobile. So these questions will have to be addressed by the Commission, and hopefully they are committed to addressing them and being compliant with the court cases." Anjinho has spoken about the importance of responsible lobbying, in the light of recurring scandals such as "Qatargate" and "Huaweigate". "We do have an integrity framework, and many institutions are doing their best to strengthen this integrity framework," she says. "However, when we have scandals like "Qatargate" and "Huaweigate" – that is actually pending a case in the Belgian courts – they damage the trust in and the reputation of the European Union as a whole, and you forget about all the efforts that the institutions are making." We point out that the EU Parliament's Constitutional Affairs Committee blocked the independent EU ethics body mooted after "Qatargate", in a recent committee vote. "I believe [the ethics body] is a good idea because it establishes a body that is competent to have common standards between all institutions, including the Council," Anjinho responds. "However, what the citizen should also recognise is that this independent ethics body [would not] have the competence to receive complaints. But there are important institutions that do have this competence, namely the European Ombudsman. And I actually aim to guarantee that my office is recognised as a reference institution for integrity issues." Programme prepared by Luke Brown, Perrine Desplats and Isabelle Romero

North Macedonia is a strategically important country in the Western Balkans, which was granted EU candidate status nearly 20 years ago, alongside Croatia. But while Croatia has now long been a member of the EU, North Macedonia is still waiting. We look at the reasons for the many delays with the country's Deputy Prime Minister Aleksandar Nikoloski. We also discuss his official visit to France, a country that effectively blocked North Macedonia's EU membership in 2019 – although relations between the two countries are now much better, Nikoloski states. Nikoloski describes how his whole adult life has been marked by the limbo surrounding North Macedonia's EU membership. "It is true that he we have been waiting for 25 years," he says. "It was 2000. I was in high school when we got an association status to the European Union during the [Thessaloniki] summit. Back in 2005, I was already at university, we got candidate status. And back in 2008, we got the first recommendation to open accession talks. At that time I was already a member of parliament for two years. Today it is 25 [years]. I'm deputy prime minister and we have still not opened accession talks. There are many reasons, but two are crucial. For a long period we had a veto by Greece. It was resolved back in 2018. Then there was the reform of the European Union and the block of France that you mentioned back in 2019. As soon as it was resolved in 2020, our dear friends from Bulgaria decided to issue a veto on us, and since then we are under veto of Bulgaria. Unfortunately our neighbourhood is as it is." We put it to Nikoloski that the European Parliament has called on his country to make constitutional amendments and to include the Bulgarian minority in North Macedonia in those amendments. In other words, there is a European consensus asking for constitutional changes, rather than just Bulgaria. Nikoloski counters: "The substance of the problem is that Bulgaria is using its membership of the EU to put pressure on us. They are neglecting our language, our culture and our national identity. There are 14 decisions by the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg for the Macedonian minority in Bulgaria that Bulgaria is not implementing. So on one side, you don't respect what the European Court is saying. And on the other side, you abuse your position to block the neighbour. That's why we are stuck." Again, we put it to Nikoloski that Bulgaria is not solely responsible for the delays in North Macedonia's EU accession. The European Commission, in its last enlargement report, gave arguably a lukewarm assessment, noting "some level of preparation" in key areas, while the European Parliament's Foreign Affairs Committee has talked of "worsening trends in high-level corruption and low public trust in the judiciary". Nikoloski responds: "I totally agree. This government was elected one year ago and the biggest challenge was the judiciary. The public trust in the judiciary is only 2 percent, and we are not satisfied with the level of the judiciary and the prosecutor. We will do the reforms together (with the EU). There is a big expertise that is coming from the European Commission that we are using for this, and we are thankful for that." Nikoloski also holds the transport portfolio in the government of North Macedonia, which is important given the country's connectivity projects. "We have a very unique geographical location. Two pan-European corridors are intersecting just east of our capital, Skopje, which is a unique case in the entire southeastern Europe," he says. One of those corridors was declared "as the second most important corridor for NATO because it is an alternative route for the supply of Ukraine", he explains. Nikoloski goes on to say: "We have huge plans and that is why we signed a government-to-government agreement with the United Kingdom, where we have £5 billion or €6 billion at our disposal for these kinds of projects. I'm looking for something similar as well in France, and we are looking for that kind of partnership with other countries in Europe as well." Programme prepared by Luke Brown, Perrine Desplats and Isabelle Romero

At a jam-packed EU summit in Brussels, we caught up with Sweden's EU Affairs Minister, Jessica Rosencrantz. Bouncing off Slovakia's and Hungary's opposition to a potential new round of Russia sanctions, she touches on the Hungarian government's ban on this Saturday's Pride march, insisting that the EU must be prepared to use "all the tools in its toolbox" to make sure that the rule of law is respected. On the main thrust of the EU and NATO summits, Rosencrantz says: "It’s been a historic week. Leaders have agreed on a very ambitious 5 percent (of GDP spending on defence) target at the NATO summit and at the European Council. Sweden has full focus on this, and we have an eight-party agreement, so all the parties in the Swedish parliament agree to reach this target." Rosencrantz elaborates: "In Sweden, we say that the support to Ukraine is our most important foreign policy priority. And we can also see now that Europe has actually surpassed the US when it comes to military support to Ukraine. We have a crucial role to play and we really have to maintain our focus, but not just by talking, but also by delivering concrete support. And that is something that the Nordic and Baltic countries are taking a lead in." While talks on the latest potential round of sanctions stalled at the EU summit, Rosencrantz stresses that "Sweden has been pushing for the 18th sanctions package. We think it's really important to put further pressure on Russia alongside our direct support to Ukraine. Different countries have different views, but so far we have managed to agree on the previous 17 sanctions packages. So I have good faith." Turning to the Hungarian governments controversial ban on the June 28 Pride march, Rosencrantz opines: "To me, it's really important to say that the EU is not just a geographical union. We're a union based on values. And as a member state, you have signed up to respecting fundamental values such as rule of law, anti-corruption, independent judiciary and for allowing people to be who they are and love who they are. So implementing legislation in Hungary, that basically means forbidding Pride parades, but also actually means imposing restrictions on people's possibility to meet or to express their opinions – that's a serious breach. So I think it's important to use all the tools in the toolbox." Asked what concrete action could follow, she replies: "You know, we have different tools. One thing is, going into the upcoming negotiations on the [EU] budget, not a single euro should go to a country that does not respect rule of law or our basic common principles, and that's something that Sweden will be really pushing for in this multiannual framework. The second is to intervene, legally, in different court processes in the European Court of Justice. Right now, Sweden is intervening in many cases, including on the LGBT law. And also last but not least, we have Article Seven, which is sort of the ultimate tool in the toolbox. I think we should be prepared there to take the next step in discussing what we can do." We also discuss the Middle East, and what leverage – if any – the EU has when it comes to Gaza. "The situation in Gaza is terrible. We are always standing up for Israel's right to defend itself against Hamas. But the way that Israel is conducting its warfare at the moment is unacceptable," Rosencrantz states, adding: "Sweden is actually the second-largest donor of humanitarian support to Gaza in the EU. And this humanitarian aid does not reach the people that need it. So we need to put pressure on Israel to make sure that humanitarian aid gets into Gaza. We have welcomed the review of the [Israel-EU] Association Agreement. And there are clear indications that Israel is not living up to all the standards that it should. What we want as a next step is to have clear recommendations on how we can take this process further. We're also pushing for sanctions against some of the ministers in the Israeli government who are not seeking a two-state solution and are hindering the way forward." Programme prepared by Luke Brown, Perrine Desplats, Isabelle Romero and Agnès Le Cossec