Last Friday FMEP fellow Ahmed Moor had me as a guest on the podcast, Occupied Toughts to talk about my decision to speak at Tel Aviv University, my subsequent apology for doing so, and criticisms of both.Our conversation gets at many of the questions and concerns people have shared in recent days, from across the ideological spectrum. I asked Ahmed and FMEP if I could share it here, and they graciously consented. Audio-only version here:Watch Occupied Thoughts on YouTube This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit peterbeinart.substack.com/subscribe
This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit peterbeinart.substack.comAnne Irfan is an expert on Palestinian refugee rights, the UN and UNRWA. She is a Lecturer in Interdisciplinary Race, Gender and Postcolonial Studies at University College London (UCL). She has previously taught at the University of Oxford, the London School of Economics, and the University of Sussex.I invited her to talk about her latest book, A Short History of the Gaza Strip.
This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit peterbeinart.substack.comOur guest is Chapman University Professor Emeritus Nubar Hovsepian, author of the new book, Edward Said: The Politics of an Oppositional Intellectual. We talked about Professor Hovsepian’s insights into Said, his close friend, and about what we might learn from Said’s work for this moment in Israel-Palestine and the United States.
This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit peterbeinart.substack.comRabbi Elliot Cosgrove is the rabbi of the Park Avenue Synagogue in New York City. He has written for a variety of Jewish publications, including The Jewish Week and The Forward. He is the author of the 2024 book “For Such a Time as This: On Being Jewish Today” and the host of the podcast Common Faith.We have some strong disagreements so I’m grateful that he was willing to come on and discuss them with me.
A list of ways to help Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank.This Friday’s Zoom call will be at 1 PM Eastern, our usual time. Our guest will be Chapman University Professor Emeritus Nubar Hovsepian, author of the new book, Edward Said: The Politics of an Oppositional Intellectual. We’ll talk about Professor Hovsepian’s insights into Said, his close friend, and about what we might learn from Said’s work for this moment in Israel-Palestine and the United States.Ask Me AnythingOur next Ask Me Anything session, for PREMIUM subscribers only, will be this Wednesday, November 12, from 1-2 PM Eastern time.Cited in Today’s VideoRabbi Chaim Steinmetz’s message to his congregation that after Mamdani’s victory, life for New York Jews is “beginning to feel like the 1930s.”Jason Sokol’s, There Goes My Everything: White Southerners in the Age of Civil Rights, 1945-1975.Things to Read(Maybe this should be obvious, but I link to articles and videos I find provocative and significant, not necessarily ones I entirely agree with.)In Jewish Currents (subscribe!), I argued that Zohran Mamdani’s victory may herald a coalition between anti-Zionists and liberal Zionists that can transform the Democratic Party.Why the polls may understate Mamdani’s share of the Jewish vote.Yeshayahu Leibowitz, 50 years ago, on last week’s Parsha, Parshat Vayeira.Rabbi Aron Wander on the psychotheology of American Zionism.I’ll be speaking on November 10 at Cornell University and Congregation Tikkun v’Or in Ithaca, New York and on December 8 at the Society for the Advancement of Judaism in New York City.Reader ResponseI occasionally publish letters from readers who take issue with something I’ve said. This one comes from Sophia (last name withheld):I’ve been reading your coverage of Mamdani and although I think a lot of it is very fair criticism of establishment Judaism, respectfully, I think you are missing one major point. Speaking only for myself, I can tell you that I *hate* Cuomo, and that the idea of voting for him is repellent to me. I too hate the Islamophobia that is showing in our community, and I hate the message that sexual harassment is acceptable in a way that antisemitism is not. These messages are embarrassing and offensive to me.Two things can be true at the same time, though. I have no issue with people being so-called critical of Israel, and of that criticism having grown in intensity in the last two years (it certainly has for me). However, I find Mamdani to be monomaniacally obsessed with Israel and its crimes in a way that I find concerning and even antisemitic. When people say what about North Korea, China, Sudan, etc., I don’t find that to be an excuse for Israel’s behavior. But when he identifies Israel in one way or another as the source of most evils here in the US, I think that is suspicious. Israel is not the cause of racist policing in the U.S., that predates Israel! I am not assuaged by him promising to protect synagogues; that would be his job as mayor, not a favor he hands out to Jews. If he is so concerned (correctly) about affordability in the city, stop campaigning on your commitment to defund the Technion; it is basically a dog-whistle at this point for the anti-Israel and even antisemitic Left (which are two descriptors that I distinguish between, as I don’t believe being anti-Israel is necessarily antisemitic)See you on Friday,PeterVIDEO TRANSCRIPT:So, there’s a rabbi on the Upper East Side of New York named Chaim Steinmetz. He is the rabbi of a synagogue called Kehilath Jeshurun. It’s probably the most prominent Orthodox synagogue on the Upper East Side of New York. It’s one of the most prominent Orthodox synagogues in all of New York, in fact, in all of America.And after Zohran Mamdani’s victory in last week’s election for mayor of New York, he wrote in a letter to his congregants, ‘it’s beginning to feel like the 1930s.’ It’s beginning to feel like the 1930s. He’s not the only person who feels this way. A prominent rabbi in the Hamptons on Long Island announced that he’s going to build an entire Jewish Day School, because he’s expecting so many Jews to flee New York City in fear, and come out to Long Island, and he’s going to build a day school for their children.Now, for many, many people, many non-Jews, but also many Jews, many progressive Jews, this is baffling. It’s just really, really hard to understand how people could look at Zohran Mamdani, a guy who won at least a third of the Jewish vote, a guy who’s got tons and tons of Jews in his campaign, a guy who speaks again and again and again about Jewish safety and about his opposition to antisemitism, a guy who smiles constantly, that they would feel this level of terror just because Mamdani believes that Israel should be a state in which Palestinians and Jews are treated equally.But it’s important to try to understand the reason for this terror, which I think in many, many people’s cases is actually genuine. And it’s also really important to understand that this is not… this kind of terror is not a particularly Jewish story. It’s not a particularly Jewish phenomenon. I think it’s important to emphasize that because the exceptionalization of Israel and Jews, I think, can lead to antisemitism.I think the best way to understand this terror is by recognizing that people who become very invested in political systems of group supremacy, in which one group, a religious, ethnic, racial group has supremacy over another, that when you become deeply invested in that, you associate your safety, your identity with that system. The prospect of equality comes to seem extraordinarily frightening. Indeed, equality becomes, in a way, tantamount to death. The prospect of equality is associated with death, or at least subjugation.And this is not particular to Jews who identify very, very strongly with the political system of the state of Israel. It’s, I think, common to groups of people who have become accustomed to a system of religious or racial or ethnic or group supremacy. So, a couple of quotes actually from my book, Being Jewish After the Destruction of Gaza:· In 1998, when the Good Friday Accords were signed, which gave Catholics equality in Northern Ireland, the Protestant leader, Ian Paisley, called the Good Friday Accords a prelude to genocide.· In 1979, there was a poll of White South Africans, which found that 84% of White South Africans believed that if there were a Black government in South Africa, ‘the physical safety of Whites would be threatened.’· There’s a wonderful book about White Southerners during the Civil Rights Movement by the historian Jason Sokol. It’s called There Goes My Everything, White Southerners in the Age of Civil Rights, 1945 to 1975. And Sokol writes, ‘they thought in terms of White supremacy or Black supremacy. If Blacks gained rights, Whites would correspondingly wear the yoke.’This, I think, is what we see in the reaction to Zohran Mamdani. We see it among Jewish Israelis, but we also see it among Jews in New York and other places who are very, very strongly identified with Israel’s political system, the idea that equality actually means the subjugation or even death of Jews.Now, of course, this is increased by the history of Jews that we have, of a deep history of oppression, persecution, indeed genocide. But you notice that even groups like, let’s say, Protestants in Northern Ireland, or White South Africans, or White Southerners, who don’t have as dark a history of persecution as Jews do, still tend to see things the same way. That they look at someone like Nelson Mandela or Martin Luther King or the Catholics in Northern Ireland, and they don’t see people striving for equality. They see people striving for their subjugation, and they’re particularly reinforced in that by the fact that these people who, you know, represent subordinate groups often have a great deal of anger towards these systems of supremacy, and in many cases, even are involved in acts of violence.And I think it’s in that framework that you can start to understand why people can look at Zohran Mamdani, and they might recognize that he seems like a nice guy, that he smiles a lot. They may even recognize that some Jews like him, that he’s got Jews in his campaign, that he says he’s against antisemitism. But none of that really penetrates if you very deeply associate the system of Jewish supremacy with your very safety. And so, when you see—and these people are right to recognize that Zohran Mamdani is an opponent of Jewish supremacy. As he said, he doesn’t believe that Israel should be a state that gives Jews legal privileges over Palestinians. He believes that all states should be based on a system of equality under the law.And although many Jews in New York are very accustomed to that idea—and even would support that idea in the United States—their strong association with a system of Jewish supremacy in Israel means that it doesn’t matter how much Mamdani smiles, and it doesn’t matter how many, you know, left-wing Jews he hangs out with. What he is proposing to do represents an enormously dangerous threat to the safety and well-being of Jews in Israel, and indeed, by extension, Jews around the world.And unless one actually confronts this basic association of supremacy with safety, and the association of equality with subjugation or death, I don’t think you’re going to be able to understand or effectively respond to statements like Rabbi Chaim Steinmetz, where he says New York is like Nazi Germany. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit peterbeinart.substack.com/subscribe
This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit peterbeinart.substack.comOur guests are Palestinian-American Georgia State Representative, and gubernatorial candidate, Ruwa Romman, who was denied the chance to speak at last year’s Democratic convention, and former Obama speechwriter Ben Rhodes, co-host of the podcast, Pod Save the World.
A list of ways to help Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank.This Friday’s Zoom call will be at 1 PM Eastern, our usual time. We’ll talk about the New York mayoral race’s ramifications for the Israel-Palestine debate nationally. Our guests will be Palestinian-American Georgia State Representative, and gubernatorial candidate, Ruwa Romman, who was denied the chance to speak at last year’s Democratic convention, and former Obama speechwriter Ben Rhodes, co-host of the podcast, Pod Save the World.Cited in Today’s VideoThe Department of Justice alleged that Andrew Cuomo sexually harassed thirteen women.Things to Read(Maybe this should be obvious, but I link to articles and videos I find provocative and significant, not necessarily ones I entirely agree with.)In Jewish Currents (subscribe!), Rhys Machold questions the “Start Up Nation” myth.Senator Rand Paul defends the Constitution against Donald Trump.The funeral of Rabbi Arthur Waskow, z’’l.Check out Arno Rosenfeld’s new Substack, Antisemitism Decoded.The Halachic Left on Parshat Lech Lecha.I discussed Being Jewish After the Destruction of Gaza on KALW public radio in the Bay Area.I’ll be speaking on November 3 at the University of Chicago, November 6 at Columbia Journalism School, and November 10 at Cornell University and Congregation Tikkun v’Or in Ithaca, New York.See you Friday, PeterVIDEO TRANSCRIPT:So, when I started writing my book, I didn’t think it would be about idolatry. I mean, I knew it would be about Israel and the destruction of Gaza, but it ended up kind of being a book about idolatry because the more I wrote it, the more I began to feel that the organized American Jewish community was willing to sacrifice almost anything to preserve unconditional support for the state of Israel, that every other value, every other principle was subordinated to that.And I’m seeing that so dramatically and, to me, in what is such a disgraceful way in the final days of this campaign against Zohran Mamdani. What are you willing to sacrifice in order to prevent a New York mayor who says that Israeli Jews and Palestinians should live equally under the same law? What are you willing to try to do to destroy such a candidate? The answer is: lie with almost anyone, do almost anything.Let’s just look at the examples. We have now all of these rabbis who have either explicitly or implicitly endorsed Andrew Cuomo to be next mayor of New York. This is a man who the Department of Justice found had sexually harassed 13 women, sexually harassed 13 women according to the Department of Justice. And you have rabbis telling their congregants that they need to overlook this and support this man.Do these rabbis ever think about what message that sends to the women in their own congregations who are being sexually harassed, who might look to a rabbi for pastoral care? Your message it sends to those women when your rabbi gets up and says, I want you to vote for the serial sexual harasser, what does it say about how much you care about women’s right to be free of sexual harassment?It says it is much less important to you than the principle of ensuring that Israel never faces accountability for its crimes under international law, even when those crimes have been widely acknowledged by the world’s leading genocide scholars, including many Israeli-born genocide scholars, right? That maintaining Israeli impunity to commit genocide and ensuring that Israel doesn’t have to face pressure for equality with Palestinians, that that is more important than the principle that sexual harassment is wrong and that sexual harassers should not be in high public office.What else are these Jewish leaders willing to sacrifice for the idolatry of unconditional support for the state of Israel? Well, complicity in a mass campaign of anti-Muslim bigotry. We’re daily deluged in the final days of this campaign by just the crudest, most vicious anti-Muslim bigotry against Zohran Mamdani. Now, I’m not saying that everyone who opposes Zohran Mamdani is an anti-Muslim bigot. Of course not.But I wonder whether it should at least give some of these Jewish leaders a little bit of pause that they have thrown in their lot with a candidate, Andrew Cuomo, who laughed and suggested with a radio talk show host that Zohran Mamdani would have applauded 9/11. This is the people with whom you are throwing in your lot, a viciously anti-Muslim bigoted campaign, and you’re saying, well, you know, opposing anti-Muslim bigotry is less important to me than preserving unconditional support for the state of Israel to be able to perpetuate what the world’s leading human rights organizations have termed as apartheid and genocide.And then there’s the question of American democracy, right? Because this mayoral election is not happening under ordinary circumstances, right? It’s happening amidst the potential authoritarian takeover and destruction of America’s system of liberal democracy by Donald Trump. And so, one thing you might really want to think about if you believe in liberal democracy is which candidate is more likely to stand up for the principle of liberal democracy: Andrew Cuomo, who has a history of kind of flirting with Donald Trump? Eric Adams, who was an ally of Donald Trump? Or Zohran Mamdani, who’s a very, very vehement, steadfast opponent of Donald Trump? That also turns out to be much less important to these Jewish leaders than opposing a candidate who was willing to try to hold Israel to the standards of international law.And it is extraordinary to see these rabbis and Jewish leaders describe Zohran Mamdani as a greater threat to Jewish New Yorkers and to the city and the country they love than Donald Trump. I’ve watched these videos put out by rabbis calling on their congregants not to vote for Zohran Mamdani, and I thought to myself, have they done similar videos about Donald Trump?If you act as I think the Jewish leadership of the institutional Jewish leadership of New York City and beyond has, as if Zohran Mamdani is a greater threat, more offensive, more of an emergency than Donald Trump, what does that say? It seems to me it’s pretty clear what it says. It says that you care more about preserving unconditional American support for Israel than you care about preserving America as a free country, a free country for you and your children.And this is something that we saw when AIPAC made this very clear when AIPAC endorsed dozens, if not hundreds, of members of Congress who had supported the January 6th insurrection and refused to accept the legitimacy of the 2020 election. We saw this when the Anti-Defamation League in 2024 gave an award to Jared Kushner. That the American Jewish leadership, when faced with the question of what is really important to them, the preservation of America as a liberal democracy, even though it has been liberal democracy, which has been the foundation of American Jewish flourishing, it is the foundation of Jewish safety in the United States, that that is less important to them, less of a criteria for determining which candidates for public office they declare as emergencies and threats to the Jewish community than a candidate who is willing to say that he believes that his city, New York, should abide by the international courts’ indictment of Benjamin Netanyahu, and who abides by international legal scholars who say Israel’s committing genocide.And God forbid, God forbid, supports the principle that states should be based on equality under the law, irrespective of race, religion, and sex—the principle that American Jewish leadership supposedly believes in the United States, but turns out actually not to believe in it very much because they’re willing to fight much harder to ensure a system that denies equality under the law in Israel and Palestine than they are to try to defend a system of equality under the law in the United States. And so, they end up aligning with white Christian nationalist bigots who are turning America into an authoritarian society, and if they haven’t noticed, will ultimately also be a threat to Jews.Because fundamentally, what I think the anti-Mamdani campaign doesn’t understand in the Jewish community, just fundamentally doesn’t understand is something simple. If they’re willing to go after him as a Muslim, if they’re willing to go after trans people, if they’re willing to go after Black people, if people who are bigoted and have a view of America as a tribal white Christian nation in which everybody else has been subordinated, those people will get to Jews sooner or later.And the people who are best likely to be your best allies are the people who have a principled opposition to bigotry and a principled belief in human equality. That candidate actually is Zohran Mamdani. It’s not Andrew Cuomo. It’s certainly not Donald Trump. And yet it’s Zohran Mamdani who is considered to be the greatest threat to Jewish New Yorkers because the way they define threat is not actually what threatens the lives of Jewish New Yorkers. It’s what threatens the idolatry of the worship of a state whose political system is considered by many Jewish leaders to matter more than the lives of the people inside of that state, and indeed to matter more than the lives of many people in New York as well. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit peterbeinart.substack.com/subscribe
This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit peterbeinart.substack.comOur guest is Jonathan Mahler, a staff writer at the New York Times Magazine and author of the new book, Gods of New York: Egotists, Idealists, Opportunists, and the Birth of the Modern City: 1986-1990. With New York on the verge of electing a socialist, Muslim, anti-Zionist mayor, I ask Jonathan how the city has changed over the last three decades, and how those changes enabled the rise of Zohran Mamdani.
This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit peterbeinart.substack.comKat Abughazaleh, the 26-year-old Palestinian-American running for Congress in Illinois’s Ninth District, has been federally indicted after being arrested at an ICE protest. We talk about that and about her vision for a revitalized Democratic Party.
This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit peterbeinart.substack.com/subscribe
A list of ways to help Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank.This Friday’s Zoom call will be at 1 PM Eastern, our usual time. Our guest will be Jonathan Mahler, a staff writer at the New York Times Magazine and author of the new book, Gods of New York: Egotists, Idealists, Opportunists, and the Birth of the Modern City: 1986-1990. With New York on the verge of electing a socialist, Muslim, anti-Zionist mayor, I want to ask Jonathan how the city has changed over the last three decades, and how those changes enabled the rise of Zohran Mamdani.Ask Me AnythingOur next Ask Me Anything session, for premium subscribers, will be this Tuesday, October 28, from Noon-1 PM Eastern time.Cited in Today’s VideoRabbi Ammiel Hirsch, Rabbi Elliot Cosgrove, and Bret Stephens attack Zohran Mamdani.According to CBS, Mamdani is winning 38 percent of the Jewish vote.According to the Washington Post, 39 percent of American Jews think Israel is committing genocide.Mamdani has called both Narendra Modi and Vladimir Putin war criminals.When apartheid South Africa’s prime minister complained about “double standards.”Things to Read(Maybe this should be obvious, but I link to articles and videos I find provocative and significant, not necessarily ones I entirely agree with.)In Jewish Currents (subscribe!), Suzanne Schneider analyzes the Trump administration’s grant to a neoconservative Jewish group.Waleed Shahid on Mamdani’s lessons for Democrats.Nathan Thrall on what Israelis and Palestinians have learned since October 7.Rabbi David Polsky argues that starving Palestinians in Gaza violates Jewish law.I’ll be speaking on November 2 at Tzedek Chicago, November 6 at Columbia Journalism School, and November 10 at Congregation Tikkun v’Or in Ithaca, New York.See you on Tuesday and Friday,PeterVIDEO TRANSCRIPT:So, as we get near the New York mayoral race, the attacks on Zohran Mamdani have been become more intense, and in particular from a number of rabbis and Jewish commentators. And it’s really interesting to look carefully at the nature of these attacks on Mamdani to see what they say and what they don’t say.What you notice is the attacks on Mamdani do not actually engage in a substantive critique with any actual evidence against the positions that Mamdani has taken, for instance, that Israel’s committing genocide, or that the New York City should support the International Criminal Court’s indictment of Benjamin Netanyahu for war crimes, or that Israel should be a state that treats all its citizens equally rather than one that gives Jews legal superiority. None of these arguments are actually made. What you see instead is a series of techniques that are all designed to suggest—although not always explicitly—that basically Mamdani is an antisemite. And I think there are two particular ways that are worth noting about the way in which these claims of antisemitism are created.The first is that these critics—Jewish critics of Mamdani—posit that they speak for a Jewish consensus, a kind of Jewish pro-Israel consensus. And the fact that Mamdani is against that Jewish pro-Israel consensus is evidence that he has something against Jews, right? So, Rabbi Ammiel Hirsh did this video where he said that most Jews are deeply offended by Zohran Mamdani saying that Israel has committed genocide. Now, that itself is kind of interesting, right? Hirsch is not presenting any evidence that the claim is wrong. He’s simply saying that most Jews are offended. So, it’s a kind of like an identity claim argument, right, that there must be something problematic about this charge of genocide because most Jews are offended, i.e., this probably, you know, suggests some anti-Jewish animus on Mamdani’s part.But it’s just factually wrong, actually. The Washington Post just recently came out with a poll showed that 39 percent of American Jews think Israel is committing genocide; fifty one percent don’t. So, it’s not a majority of American Jews who think Israel is committing genocide. But it’s a quite large minority of American Jews, right. So, by taking this position, Zohran Mamdani is essentially siding with the more progressive wing of the American Jewish community over the more conservative wing of the American Jewish community, which is hardly surprising given that he’s a political progressive, right, that he is in a way exposing a very deep and increasingly bitter divide among Jews in New York and other places. In fact, it’s probably not a coincidence that Zohran Mamdani is getting about in the polls around 40% of the Jewish vote, running close to Andrew Cuomo, which is roughly the same percentage of Jews nationally think Israel’s committing genocide, right?But Ammi Hirsch can’t acknowledge that. He has to portray himself as kind of someone who speaks for Jews as a whole, right, even though nobody has elected him, right? Very few Jewish New Yorkers even know who he is. There’s no reason to believe that he would have the right to do that. But he has to do it in order to suggest that, by disagreeing with Ammiel Hirsch, that Mamdani disagrees with the vast majority of Jews and therefore has something against Jews.Similarly, in his column in the New York Times, Bret Stephens acknowledges, to his credit, that a Fox News poll shows that Mamdani is winning 38% of the Jewish vote. But then he suggests that these voters must be setting aside whatever reservations they might have about the candidates’ views on Israel. So, the only way in which Bret Stephens can imagine that Jews would be supporting Mamdani is to think that they’re doing so in spite of views on Israel. But in fact, the evidence suggests that that’s probably a plus for most of them. Again, after all, the polls show that roughly 40% of American Jews hold the views about Israel that Mamdani does. But Bret Stephens can’t really acknowledge that because that would completely reframe the argument, right, in which he wants to suggest that Mamdani is in opposition to the vast majority of Jews on Israel and, therefore, that that suggests that Mamdani has some problem with Jews.The second way in which you see this kind of argument of antisemitism being made, is that Mamdani is applying a set of double standards towards Israel, right? Again, it’s not an argument that what Mamdani is saying is wrong on the merits. It’s an argument that there must be some animus here because he’s so focused on Israel. So, Bret Stephens in his column writes, ‘one of the ways anti-Zionists tend to give themselves away as something darker,’ right—something darker is a pretty obvious euphemism for antisemite—’is that the only human rights abuses they seem to notice are Israel’s.’Here’s a tip. Whenever you notice a writer use the phrase seem, it usually suggests that they don’t actually have evidence for what they’re going to say, but they actually just want to kind of assert it because it seems that way to them. In fact, Zohran Mamdani actually does criticize a lot of other countries for their human rights abuses. He said that Vladimir Putin should also be indicted, that New York should also help indict Vladimir Putin at the International Criminal Court, support the ICC’s warrant against Vladimir Putin. He’s called Narendra Modi, India’s leader, a war criminal, right.And when he talks about Israel, Mamdani says again and again and again that his criticisms of Israel are based on his broad support for international law, and his belief in human rights, and his opposition to the idea of ethno-nationalist states. That’s the same reason that he doesn’t like Narendra Modi, because Narendra Modi is trying to turn India into a Hindu state. Mamdani doesn’t like the idea of states that are based on religious or ethnic or racial supremacy, which is why he opposes India being a Hindu state and Israel being a Jewish state, right?It’s actually pretty consistent in his worldview. In fact, I think you’d probably find that Zohar Mamdani, if you looked at something like U.S. arms sales to foreign countries, that Zohran Mamdani would be much, much more critical of many dictatorships than many of his pro-Israel critics. Many of his pro-Israel critics are actually big fans at this point of the dictatorships in, for instance, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Egypt because those governments are fairly supportive of Israel. Mamdani actually is the one who, in accordance with the Semocratic Socialists of America, who’ve endorsed him, basically wants a radical reduction of arms sales to all dictatorships around the world.But the other thing is that the articles never acknowledge the possibility that one might speak more about Israel, right, and criticize Israel more for reasons that don’t have to do with antisemitism. And here are a couple, right? And you don’t have to be a rocket scientist to think these out.First of all, the United States gives far more money, far more military support to Israel than any other country, and much more diplomatic support, right. So, of course, it makes more sense if you’re an American politician to care more about the human rights abuses that are being committed with American tax dollars than those that aren’t being committed with American tax dollars, right.It’s also the case that Zohran Mamdani simply gets asked relentlessly about Israel, right. He doesn’t get asked many questions about his views on the human rights condition in Myanmar. And that’s partly because people like Bret Stephens and Ammiel Hirsch don’t focus their concerns about Myanmar, right. I mean, one of the things that drives me crazy about all these arguments that basically people like Zohran Mamdani are focusing too much on human rights abuses in Israel is that there’s nothing stopping Zohran Mamdani’s critics from focusing their attention on human rights problems in Myanmar or Zimbabwe or Congo or Sudan or anyone else.But they’re not actually interested in those subjects. What they’re primarily interested in is defending Israel. And then because in their defense of
This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit peterbeinart.substack.comOur guest is Gaza-born political analyst Muhammad Shehada, a visiting fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations. He’s been explaining why Trump’s ceasefire isn’t even a ceasefire, let alone a path to Palestinian freedom. And he’s been discussing the clashes inside Gaza between Hamas and Israeli-supported clans. We talked about the Trump plan, Gaza’s future, and the long-term consequences of this genocide.
This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit peterbeinart.substack.com/subscribe
Cited in Today’s VideoWhy Israeli doves like former Shin Bet head Ami Ayalon want Israel to release Marwan Barghouti but the Israeli government won’t, despite Hamas’ request.Why Barghouti’s son fears for his father’s life. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit peterbeinart.substack.com/subscribe
This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit peterbeinart.substack.comOur guest is Israeli-born historian Ilan Pappé, author of the new book, Israel on the Brink. We discuss why he chose a life of political rebellion against the state in which he was born and what he thinks the ceasefire in Gaza will bring. We also talk about his book, which suggests that in the coming decades, Israel may cease to exist as a Jewish state.
A list of ways to help Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank.If you’re in the US, consider joining the nationwide No Kings protests on October 18.This Friday’s Zoom call will be at 1 PM Eastern, our usual time. Our guest will be Israeli-born historian Ilan Pappe, author of the new book, Israel on the Brink. I’ll ask Pappe why he chose a life of political rebellion against the state in which he was born and what he thinks the ceasefire in Gaza will bring. We’ll also talk about his book, which suggests that in the coming decades, Israel may cease to exist as a Jewish state.Cited in Today’s VideoNaftali Benett asks why Palestinians and their supporters aren’t happier about the Trump deal.Things to Read(Maybe this should be obvious, but I link to articles and videos I find provocative and significant, not necessarily ones I entirely agree with.)In Jewish Currents (subscribe!), Abdullah Hany Daher reflects on the two years since October 7, 2023.James Talarico on why requiring Texas schools to post the Ten Commandments violates the Ten Commandments.Libby Lenkinski on how reparations for the Holocaust helped her family build a new life, and why Jews must demand reparations for the genocide in Gaza.Shaul Magid on being human after the destruction of Gaza.See you on Friday,PeterVIDEO TRANSCRIPT:I’ve been struggling for days to try to find the words to express how I feel about the Trump deal because my feelings are so, like, profoundly conflicted. When this airs on Monday, it looks like the remaining Israeli hostages, and the bodies of the dead hostages will be returned. This is a kind of catharsis for Jews, for me, that is really one of the most profound and powerful things that I think I will have ever experienced in my life.This entire experience of Jewish solidarity over the last two years has been extraordinary. I mean, it really has been one of the most powerful manifestations I’ve ever seen of this, you know, phrase that people use a lot, Kol Yisrael Arevim Zeh Bazeh, that all Jews are responsible for one another. I am kind of in awe of the people in my synagogue, and that I see around New York, who I see have been wearing dog tags to remember the hostages every day. I hear stories about people, you know, who have had a place at their table for a particular hostage now for the last two years. You know, in my tiny way, I’ve had the names of the hostages on my refrigerator door. We pray for them every week.I mean, this has been incredibly, incredibly powerful. It’s been one of the most powerful Jewish experiences of my life, and I want to think tomorrow, as those hostages are coming home, and think about the Trump deal only through that vein, only through this vein of Jewish solidarity: us as a small, often brutalized, persecuted people who have learned and in accordance with our traditions, to really care for one another, to care for one another. And there’s so many people who have manifested that stuff so powerfully.And to see the joy of those families returning their loved ones, and to see the way that people rally around them in this moment, and rally around those who don’t have loved ones who are coming back, is… I wish I could just stop there. I really wish that that would be the end of my message. And I thought a lot about just saying that, just saying that. Because I know that there are a lot of people who think that people on the left, like me, who criticize Israel, we don’t feel those things. And I know for me, it’s not true. I feel them like they’re some of the most profound feelings I feel.But we’re also being told that the Trump deal should be a cause of celebration for Palestinians, right? Again and again, I’m seeing on social media people taunting, you know, pro-Palestinian activists. Why aren’t you celebrating? You claim this is a genocide. Why aren’t you celebrating? You’re unhappy because all you want is for Israel to be blamed. Now that actually something is good is happening to Palestinians and Israel, you can’t recognize that.But this isn’t a day of celebration for Palestinians because it’s not fair to ask Palestinians to celebrate simply for not being bombed, right? The standard should be higher than that. Yes, it is, of course, a terrific thing that the bombs hopefully will stop, at least for a while, that Palestinians will get more food in. But if we see Palestinians as full human beings, as full human beings, we have to understand that the bar is a little bit higher than that. How dehumanizing is it to suggest that Palestinians should leap for joy and celebration simply because a genocide may be ending, and they’re returning to a state of apartheid? A state that, you know, as even Israel’s own human rights organizations have stated, a situation of blockade.I mean, look at what we know about the Trump deal. It offers no path, no path, for Palestinians to gain citizenship, the most basic fundamental right that all human beings deserve, the right to be a citizen of the country and you’re in. And beyond that, Israel is now, as in the first phase of the Trump plan, Israel sits on 53% of Gaza. And in the second phase, if this Arab stabilization force comes in, it’ll go to 40% of Gaza. I think, based on what I’m reading, it’s very unlikely that this deal will ever go to the third phase, in which Israel would control 15% of Gaza. It would still mean that Palestinians will have less access to Gaza than they had before, but I don’t think Palestinians are going to get 85% of Gaza because the third withdrawal requires Hamas to demilitarize, which even Israel’s own security forces don’t think will happen.So, it seems the very likely outcome of this is that Palestinians are basically going to be on 60% of the Gaza Strip. This is already one of the most overcrowded places on Earth. It was declared unlivable by the United Nations before October 7th. My friend Mohammad Shehada said that everyone he knew growing up in Gaza before October 7th contemplated suicide because of what it was like to live every day in what Human Rights Watch called an open-air prison.And now it’s been bombed to absolute rubble. The UN says there’s 17,000 unaccompanied children there. There is no prospect, really, of Gaza being made livable. Yes, more humanitarian aid may come in. There may be better quality tents. But Israel will control all access in and out, and there’s very little prospect, based on past Israeli behavior, that Israel is going to allow in the heavy-duty construction that would be allowed Gaza to truly rebuild because Israel will claim that those are dual-use items that could be used for weapons, as Israel has claimed for, you know, for a long time.So, to tell Palestinians that they need to celebrate that, that their lives are worth so little that they should be jumping for joy simply because they may not be killed by a bomb tomorrow? That doesn’t recognize Palestinian humanity, doesn’t recognize that Palestinians are human beings created equal in the image of God, equal to everybody else. And that’s why, it seems to me, I can’t see this deal and what will happen tomorrow only as a celebration. As profoundly as it matters to me that we as a people, begin to heal as Jews, and that our hostages are returned, I simply do not believe in Judaism as a purely tribal creed, in which we think only for ourselves and demand and expect that other people deserve less. That’s not Judaism to me.Judaism is based on this profound and remarkable tension between the idea that we have a special relationship with God, and the idea that God sees all human beings as being equal in the image of God. So, yes, I will be celebrating and perhaps crying tomorrow along with so many other people, when we see these hostages come out. But I’m not gonna get up here and say that Palestinians should be thrilled to live under permanent subjugation in a hellhole, without the basic necessities of life, and without freedom, which they deserve just as much as everybody else. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit peterbeinart.substack.com/subscribe
This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit peterbeinart.substack.comOur guests are former PLO negotiator, Hussein Agha and former Clinton, Obama and Biden administration official, Rob Malley. We talk about their new book, Tomorrow is Yesterday: Life, Death, and the Pursuit of Peace in Israel/Palestine and learn what they’ve learned from decades of seeing Israeli, Palestinian, and American policy from the inside.
A list of ways to help Palestinians in Gaza.This Friday’s Zoom call will be at 1 PM Eastern, our usual time. Our guests will be the former PLO negotiator Hussein Agha and the former Clinton, Obama and Biden administration official, Rob Malley. They’ll talk about their new book, Tomorrow is Yesterday: Life, Death, and the Pursuit of Peace in Israel/Palestine. I’ll ask what they’ve learned from decades of seeing Israeli, Palestinian and American policy from the inside.Cited in Today’s VideoYeshayahu Leibowitz’s essay on colonialism and terrorism.Mouin Rabbani on the Trump plan.Things to Read(Maybe this should be obvious, but I link to articles and videos I find provocative and significant, not necessarily ones I entirely agree with.)In Jewish Currents (subscribe!), Avigayil Halperin talks to Audrey Sasson about whether it’s possible to atone for genocide.39% of American Jews think Israel is committing genocide.Washington Democrats turn against AIPAC.See you on Friday,PeterVIDEO TRANSCRIPT:So, I have these two kind of contradictory feelings about the Trump plan on Gaza. The first is that I hope it goes through. I hope it’s implemented. I just desperately, desperately hope that these Israeli hostages are returned and can go back to their families. And I desperately hope that Palestinians can wake up one day in the coming days, and just not worry that they’ll be killed by an Israeli bomb, and that their children will be able to have more to eat. I mean, just at a basic human level, that would be a really just a blessing.It’s also, though, really important just to remember, because I think there’s a certain kind of discourse that tends to take place about these diplomatic negotiations, a kind of insider-y discourse about how it’s going to be implemented, and what the role the Palestinian Authority is going to play, and what different Arab governments are going to do, and all this stuff, which just can often, I just find, kind of, like, completely obscure, like, the basic foundational realities, which always need to be kept front and center, right?The basic foundational realities are that Palestinians in Gaza, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem live under the control of a state that does not grant them the most basic of rights, the right of citizenship. This state, the Israeli state, has life and death power over them, and yet they can’t vote for that government that controls their lives. This will be true after the Trump plan is implemented, if it’s implemented. It may be that the genocide ends, which would be a blessing, but before the genocide, there was apartheid, and there will be actually an even worse form of apartheid now because Israel’s blockade of Gaza is likely to be stricter, and Israel’s already said that it’s basically going to take more control over parts of the Gaza Strip, herding Palestinians even into an even smaller area of the Gaza Strip.So, remember, Gaza was deemed unlivable by the United Nations before October 7th. Human Rights Watch called it an open-air prison. My friend Mohammad Shehada has written about how everyone he knew in Gaza growing up contemplated suicide, because there was just no prospect for a better life. And when people say, well, this is gonna fundamentally change if Hamas is no longer in charge in Gaza, unfortunately, that’s just a complete illusion, because Hamas has not been in charge in the West Bank. To the contrary, the West Bank, for the last 20 years now, has been run by a Palestinian Authority, which essentially serves as Israel’s subcontractor, which is basically doing Israel’s bidding to prevent armed resistance.And what is life like for Palestinians in the West Bank? A form of apartheid that gets worse and worse and worse as Israel takes over more and more land, confines Palestinians into smaller and smaller ghettos, in which Palestinians are subjected to more and more violence by the Israeli military and also by settlers who, unlike them, have citizenship and are protected by an Israeli state that doesn’t protect them. That’s what Palestinian life looks like in the West Bank, where you don’t have Hamas running things, right?So, anyone who thinks that you’re solving the problem for Palestinians by not having Hamas be in charge in Gaza is fundamentally missing the point. It would be a good thing for Hamas to not be in charge in Gaza. I have no love lost for Hamas whatsoever. It killed a friend of mine in a bus bombing in the 1990s. It’s committed terrible war crimes even before October 7th, and then in a massive way on October 7th.But the fundamental problem is a system of brutal, brutal oppression. And the problem is that so much Western journalism and so much Jewish discourse just ignores that basic oppression. And that system of violent oppression produces violence in return. It doesn’t justify violence against civilians. Violence that targets civilians is never justified, regardless of the level of oppression. But it’s a system of oppression that produces violence in response, especially if you have shut down the avenues for nonviolent resistance, which Israel and the United States have done and continue to do, literally kind of making it a crime for the Palestinians to try to, you know, to promote boycotts, or to go to the International Criminal Court, or the Court of Justice, or these kind of things, right? So, this system of violence, which creates radical unsafety for Palestinians also creates unsafety for Israeli Jews. And that will be the case after the Trump plan, because the Trump plan doesn’t in any way whatsoever deal with that fundamental root cause of the problem.I was reading over Shabbat an essay by one of my heroes, Yeshayahu Leibowitz, the great Israeli Orthodox social critic. He wrote this in 1976, an essay that he starts by writing, ‘In our times of worldwide decolonization, a colonial regime necessarily gives birth to terrorism. In our times of worldwide decolonization, a colonial regime necessarily gives birth to terrorism.’ What I take to mean by colonial is a situation in which people are subjects of a state but cannot be citizens of a state. That is the circumstance that Palestinians in the occupied territories live under in Israel. Yet Leibovitz was not justifying terrorism. God knows he did not want violence to come to Israelis or to his family. But he was saying that a system of violent oppression will produce counter violence. And that violence will come again, even after this genocide ends, if the root grievance, the root problem, which is lack of Palestinian freedom, is not addressed.Hamas could cease to exist. It could disappear from the face of the Earth. And you know what would happen if Palestinians continued to live under apartheid, especially if their non-violent efforts are continually defeated by the world’s most powerful superpower in league with Israel, new Palestinian organizations, they might not be Islamists, they could be communists, Marxists, Maoists, God knows what ideology they will espouse. They will fight Israel, and Israeli Jews will die, which I desperately don’t want to happen.How do we know this? Because long before Hamas, there were Palestinian groups, mostly not Islamist groups—leftist groups, nationalist groups, all kinds of groups that fought Israel because they were fighting against a system of brutal oppression, as people do all over the world when they’re brutally oppressed. Unless you deal with that fundamental grievance, the grievance of people who deserve, like all human beings, to be free, and who have been denied that freedom, you will be subjecting Palestinians, perhaps not to genocide, but to a brutally inhumane system of oppression, a system that ultimately endangers everybody between the river and the sea. That’s what we need to remember even as we say the Trump plan is good because it means the killing stops for the moment. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit peterbeinart.substack.com/subscribe
This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit peterbeinart.substack.comOur guest is the Palestinian journalist and activist Ahmed Abu Artema, a co-organizer of Gaza’s 2018 Great March of Return. In October 2023, Israel killed his eldest son, Abdullah, and five other relatives. A few weeks ago, he left Gaza for the Netherlands. He wrote about his departure in the Dutch newspaper, De Correspondent. He told us what it’s like to survive a genocide and live with the memory of those who did not.
This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit peterbeinart.substack.comOur guest is actor and comedian Hannah Einbinder. She recently used the huge platform of her Emmy acceptance speech to stand up for Palestinian freedom. Topics include:Her Zionist upbringing, and how she evolved away from itThe schism among Jews todayJewish fragility in the face of disagreement